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Call for experts for Albania: Development of three tutorial videos | Deadline 29 September 2023

Call for experts

Development of three tutorial videos

 

Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM) is a non-profit organization that provides expertise, political analysis, applied scientific research, and capacity building for key social actors to promote reforms and engagement in evidence-based policy processes. IDM has issued a call for participation in a tender for experts to undertake the “Development of three tutorial videos”. This call aims to contract expert for the development of three tutorial videos in accordance with the specifications outlined in the ToR.

 

In the application email, you should attach all the documentation listed below:

  • Extract from the subject’s history issued by the National Registration Center.
  • Annex 1 – Technical specifications of the required service (including the video development methodology).
  • Annex 2 – Financial proposal of the bidder, in Albanian Lek, inclusive of prices for the listed service.
  • All additional costs related to the service provision should be included in the above-mentioned prices.
  • The unit price in the financial proposal should specify that VAT is included.
  • The proposed prices should be valid for the entire contract duration.
  • Annex 3 – IDM Code of Conduct (signed and stamped).
  • Curriculum vitae.
  • Statement of interest (explain how you meet the call requirements and reference relevant experiences).

 

The evaluation of applications will be conducted according to the following methodology:

  • CV and/or company experience – 30%
  • Technical specifications (including methodology) – 35%
  • Financial proposal – 35%

 

All interested applicants are invited to submit their application to the email address [email protected] with the subject “Application Smart Balkans – Development of three tutorial videos” by September 29, 2023, at 17:00.

 

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Roma Versitas Kosovo

Project Description and Purpose of the project: Roma Versitas Kosova learns to work in the prevention of violations of human security among minors in communities by raising awareness, education and vigilance intertwined with social and intercultural dialogue of the same age group.

Target Group and main beneficiaries:

– The primary target group is minors (girls and boys) of the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian communities.

– The secondary target group is minors (girls and boys) who come from the Albanian and Serbian communities.

Main activities:

  • One (1) educational video on human security made in Romani, Albanian and Serbian languages. The same will be launched on the social platforms of RVK’s partner organizations that are dedicated to the promotion of human rights, the same will be presented in activities for young people.
  • Four (4) debates on the theme of human security, being elaborated by different segments of security with a multi-ethnic professional panel, organized in the four municipalities, the localities targeted by the project, where the audience will be young people.
  • One (1) one-day training on safety, social and cultural dialogue, offered to minor youth from all communities, with the aim of increasing their capacities in the protection of safety among minors, preparing them to be mini -mentor of peers, source for identifying victims but also perpetrators of crimes, acts that harm human security in any form.
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Qendra Fokus

Description and purpose of the project: The purpose of this initiative is to raise awareness among young people of Gramsh about the phenomenon of violence and its consequences among them, with the aim of strengthening social cohesion among young people and promoting a culture of tolerance, understanding and peace.

Target Group and main beneficiaries:

– The youth of the city and surrounding rural areas of Gramsh between the ages of 14-18

-Teachers, psycho-social staff and security workers in secondary schools

– Indirectly, through the foreseen activities, the intervention is intended to affect the wider community of the city of Gramsh.

Main activities:

  • Preparation of a training Manual for raising and developing capacities for Teachers and Professionals of Psycho-social Services for the identification and treatment of violence and its consequences in children and young people, as well as the influence of social networks in the generation of violence.
  • Workshop/Training with the teachers of the district of Gamshi (towns and villages) as well as with the psycho-social staff and security officers in schools for the development and raising of their capacities, as well as the awareness of their role and responsibilities in identifying and the prevention of violence and the impact of social networks in the generation of violence.
  • Workshop/Meeting with the youth of the city of Gramsh in schools to raise awareness about the consequences of violence, as well as equip them with new strategies and skills to deal with conflicts constructively and to resolve disputes without inciting violence.
  • Conception and development of an online awareness campaign on social networks (TikTok and Instagram), with infographics and awareness materials in collaboration with the young people of the city of Gramsci in order to strengthen social cohesion among young people and promote a culture of tolerance and understanding and peace.
  • The development of a public event with wide participation of young people and members of the community (Youth Led Initiative) with the entrepreneurship of the young people of the “Shefqet Guzi” Gymnasium, in Gramsh and the facilitation of the organization’s staff, in order to sensitize peers on the consequences of violence and the promotion of a culture of tolerance, harmony and peace in the wider community.
With-Mom

Kosovo Glocal: The resort to resorts

REFLECTIONS ON SUMMER VACATIONS LONG PAST.

A while ago, thinking about the upcoming summer vacation, I started to think about what the instinctual longing for the summertime return to the sea really meant. Not only that, I felt it deeply.It’s not just about that feeling of surrendering yourself to the sea’s currents and floating out so far that the beach umbrellas and sunbathers on the beach turn into a pointillist still life. It’s not only about the zen of gazing into waves that crash against rocky shores. It’s about those waves and rocky shores as a deep miraculous witness of time.

You can think about summer vacation as a return to self or even a return to the primordial. A return to the water from which we came from in the first place.

No matter our financial situation, its ups and downs, there was never a question in my family of whether we would go to the sea or not. It had to happen at least once a year. That was the end all be all, an indisputable constant.

The reasons were simple: healthy sea breeze, relaxation. But there was an irrational side, especially coming from my dad. Summer vacation was a return to a lost paradise, to pre-existence, to the idyllic, because everything is just fine by the sea.

Going to the seaside reminded my parents of their youth when they traveled to Pelješac or Brač in Croatia. In difficult times our vacations were an escape from the everyday, ten days of a nice calming routine.

By thinking about where we traveled, what we ate or how long we stayed, those summer vacations were an indicator of the broader world, from the geopolitical situation to local fissures.

My first summer trip

Even though I can not remember my first seaside vacation, I often reconstruct it through family photos, I feel free to add various elements to the memory that may or may not have really been there.

I was eight months old and I cried like crazy on the plane from Belgrade to Tivat, so much so that I’m sure the other passengers still haven’t forgotten that 40-minute flight. One of the flight attendants tried her best to entertain me and help me forget the pressure in my ears. But there’s another type of travel pressure: anxiety. No matter how beautiful the destination, some people are always anxious before a trip, sometimes so much so that they don’t want to go at all. The best advice is this: just go, throw yourself in, like a kid learning to swim.

My memories of my first summer vacation are porous and fluid, they are a reconstruction built from photographs of my gorgeous young parents sporting New Wave hairstyles. My dad holds me in the shallow water, behind him people are playing ball, eating ice cream, moving about, caught in the photo.

I wonder where they are now. Where is the man who’s looking directly into the camera from afar? Where is the elusive world of childhood, the world of the Ineks “Zlatna Obala” tourist complex? It was a whole way of vacationing, the blue and white cups, everything so Yugoslav. It was modest and humble, a summer vacation for the masses. It’s all turned into a resort.

A number of artists have created exhibitions and TV series about these legendary places from childhood, offering iconic representations of the abandoned objects, hotels and lobbies, as well as those remodeled by capitalism into something different and new. And new is supposedly better.

Many things may change, but nature holds steady. That is the power of the sea and the mountains: nature resists. There’s one particular spot where I always recognize the curves of the coast and the way my feet sink into the sand. It’s something that makes my stomach turn and gives me goosebumps. My first summer vacation sits in my consciousness like an astral projection.

Picture a baby in her mother’s arms in an oak forest, all in the brownish pinkish hue of so many photographs from the 1980s.

“I NEVER WANTED TO GO BACK TO OUR HOTEL; EVEN THOUGH THE BOARDWALK NEVER CHANGED, IT WAS VIBRANT AT LEAST. ALL THAT HUBBUB ASIDE, I FELT MUCH BETTER THERE THAN IN OUR ROOM, WHERE I WAS EXPECTED TO GO TO SLEEP AFTER HAVING A COUPLE SLICES OF MELON.”

Around the time the Serbian musician Bajaga was calling everyone to Montenegro and German supermodel Claudia Schiffer was promoting the land as ecological and clean.But I felt this desire for my summers to be something different. I wanted a shift. I was done with the visit to my grandparents in Nikšić before heading for the seaside, where I used to carry a parasol around in order to finally stick it into dry sand every single day. That would mark the onset of monotonous beach hours that culminated in the same old, same old evening stroll with my parents; we would walk up and down the boardwalk, past those never-changing carousels and stores where people were selling seashells by the seashore. And then we would go back to our hotel. Without fail, mom and dad kept me company. No chance of spending time with others.

Evenings became more fun when I, for example, would sit down to be painted by an artist on the promenade, or if my parents took me out for fish (though I always had to pick out a live one) or other seafood or grab some cakes.

I hated going back to the hotel. Even though the boardwalk never changed, at least it was vibrant. I felt much better there than in our room. Every evening, I was expected to go to sleep after having a couple slices of melon on our balcony, from where we observed the commotion outside. I wasn’t into the watermelon, I wanted cakes from the most luxurious hotel in town.

I’ll forgive you for never taking us to stay there, but couldn’t we have just sat and had a bite there so I could inspect the rotating glass dessert trays? Oh to see those cakes and ice cream sundaes before picking the most impressive one with a heavy heart. You were a Belgrade child, you’d already seen it all, but whenever you went to the sea, especially if it was a small town, you started grasping for those bits of urbanity and luxury. So that sundae with the mini-umbrella and flamingo and the cherry on top, the whole process of picking out a dessert meant the world to you, it was your link to the city.

Curls, sandals and stone paving

The image of my first seaside vacation is of my mother and her baby, hologram-like, in the forest. Similarly, my image of my tenth annual seaside vacation is defined by a photo showcasing curls, sandals and stone paving.

Those were mom and dad’s younger childless friends who we ran into in the old town. I don’t remember the guy too well, but the woman had curls and wore silver sandals on her feet, gliding across the stone paving dressed up in satin. It was a hot night in August, and she was on her way to have olives and wine with her boyfriend by the clock tower. They were going to be there all night, unlike us, who were already heading to our room. They were going to have an exciting late night at the restaurant in the middle of the town. Amidst the laughter, perhaps they’d even kiss, free as they were, while poor me had to go to bed. And my parents, who I considered so boring, would go to bed too. Why wouldn’t they let me live?

“I WAS LOOKING FORWARD TO GROWING UP; I WAS EAGER TO GO WHEREVER I WANTED, HAVE WINE AND A BOYFRIEND, AND WEAR A PAIR OF SILVER SANDALS.”

Going out at night became the holy grail of my life, a goal for the future. I could hardly wait to grow up, to go where I wanted, to drink wine, to have a boyfriend and wear sandals. It wasn’t just that I wanted sand, waves and peace of mind, I longed for something exotic and mystical that I was unable to access because it all happened behind the walls of the old town after midnight, like some sort of secret.Instead, I would get Evzonoi brand ice cream, which we didn’t have back home. We’d wait at the border for hours, nervous drivers stepping out of their vehicles here and there to check whether the line was moving while us carefree kids, including myself, ate the ice cream we bought at the border.

I loved the sunsets during those summertime trips and the wonderful vital feeling in my body after long swims. I loved the fine sand that danced between the pages of the book I was reading under the hotel terrace, ordering a salad, safe from the sun that kissed my salty skin earlier. What I loved most was the shopping we did in Thessaloniki the last day before we returned.

Thessaloniki shopping sprees marked the end of the summer and the start of school. I would buy sweaters, coats and pencil cases (and a couple toys — troll dolls were the thing back then). What made me happiest, and what probably separated me from the other children, was my love for the beginning of school and returning to the city. Later on, during university, I used to love all the festivals, exhibitions and performances of early autumn.

That’s just how I am, someone who’s always wanted more. On vacations I wanted the popular beaches and the hidden beaches, fish markets and cruises, sleepless nights drinking wine, old churches on a hillside, caves and riverbanks, calm and quiet on one hand, extravagance on the other. Ever as a kid, before the internet, I loved circling ads in the newspaper for tourist packages, especially the unattainable ones like Singapore, Cuba or 1,000 deutschmarks for a trip to Disneyland.My newfound zen

With time everything balanced out. I matured into my thirties, a time when anywhere is enjoyable as long as you are healthy and in your element.

I tend to avoid going to hotels that resemble shopping centers because having everything at hand isn’t the point of traveling. The point is to explore. Why not stumble upon a tavern from the 1970s, during the period of the military junta, or a tiny alley restaurant where a Turkish grandma will treat us as her own grandchildren, who are there and are playing with your own kid there on the floor adorned with oriental patterns eating free fruit.

Even in the smallest fishing villages I find places that suit me, for example, just last summer I discovered Benitses, Corfu, where The Beatles and other less well-known British Invasion bands found refuge in the 1960s from the paparazzi. Even this tiny place had its own turbulent nightclub history, of which only echoes remain.

The most important part of my newfound summer zen — which coincides with some very positive social developments — is accepting my beach body, which also happens to be my December body. I’ve accepted that there is a limited amount of time and I want to spend it well on every trip, to have experiences I will remember.

I will remember one of these trips for the hiking we did, another for the true peace and happiness that stemmed from the three of us being together, alive and well. You can’t see everything. Whatever moment you manage to capture is a blessing in itself. Just get some rest and try to reconnect with yourself and your emotions. Let it all soak in, the earth, the sea, the scent of conifers, ferns, olives and salt that I always want to somehow conserve and bring back with me to smoggy Belgrade.

I’m always trying to recreate the moments my parents created for me, while also adding my own spice.

I saw this slogan recently — “Let’s travel how we used to” — and I was moved. The world has changed, everything has changed, but this statement brought some nostalgic charm to me, this good feeling about a time when people had more trust in the world and when the world rewarded that trust.

“IT’S HEALTHY TO LET GO OF THE PRESSURE THAT FORCES YOU TO IMPRESS PEOPLE WITH YOUR BODY OR DESTINATION OF CHOICE.”

One thing that has changed due to the nature of social media that most of us are on is that we have the urge to show off where we are and how we’re doing. We end up simulating joy even though we were nowhere close to it. It makes me think of the old popular Mexican soap opera “The Rich Also Cry,” in some photos I’m my prettiest self hanging out in a luxurious spot. You can’t tell that I had been crying just moments before.That’s why it’s healthy to let go of the pressure to try to impress others with your body or your destination. There’s no need for the summer to be an extravaganza of demonstrating how much you’ve earned that year or what you’ve done with your body. It is perfectly fine to show your thin legs or white flab on the beach. Anyone who would sneer at you is a good-for-nothing. Same goes for anyone who looks down on people who bring food from home to the beach.

The world is a wonderful but cruel place. People ought to be happy to just be happy, together, near the sea, even if they head for the nearest seaside spot, overfull with others, instead of some remote fashionable island. We can and must find magic in everything everywhere — any moment can be inspiration for a new philosophy. I make a point of it when I’m on vacation, like my theory about how summer is a return to water and our primal state of being, to the amoebae and reptiles that my child swims with.

Maybe he’s even bored sometimes, like I once was, but maybe he revels in our wishful daydreaming where we imagine where we might travel next while our feet are caressed by grass swaying in the breeze.

Kosovo Glocal: The resort to resorts

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SCIDEV: National Digital Rights Festival

The engagement of local civil society organizations in the protection of digital rights and cybersecurity issues is crucial for safeguarding local communities and promoting knowledge within these communities. To address this issue, representatives from nine local civil society organizations from the cities of Vlorë, Fier, Shkodra, Pogradec, Korça, and Tirana gathered last weekend in Tirana as part of the National Digital Rights Festival.

During the training, participants had the opportunity to familiarize themselves with the work of the Commissioner for the Right to Information and the Protection of Personal Data. Ms. Meri Kujxhija, a representative of the Commissioner’s office, shared developments related to the new law on personal data protection with the participants.

With mentors Emirjon Marku and Silva Arapi Kuadri, participants discussed the Albanian regulatory framework, digital rights, and the General Data Protection Regulation. Regarding cybersecurity – its importance and effects on organizations and communities, as well as the implementation of secure practices – participants had the opportunity to learn and interact with mentors from SCiDEV, Erjon Curraj, and Elena Cibuku.

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Kosovo Glocal: The real people behind Vučić’s army of bots

LEAKED SPREADSHEET GIVES THE NAMES AND LOCATIONS OF SERBIAN GOVERNMENT’S ONLINE ARMY.

It was July 8, around forty minutes past midnight. I logged in to Twitter and saw a notification. A public exchange I had going with a fellow journalist was cut in on by a certain Sofija, who asked me if I had anything better to do than spread lies all the time.

I copied her username and searched for it in an enormous Excel spreadsheet I had open all day long. Bingo — Sofija was there! Except her real name isn’t Sofija. It’s Slobodan.

“Take it easy, Slobodan,” I replied to Sofija. Next thing I knew, instead of answering me, the provocateur deleted his account.

I was flooded with a feeling of satisfaction that could be most accurately described with the well known German word Schadenfreude. It was true unbridled joy in another person’s pain. I pictured Slobodan — located in the central Belgrade neighborhood Vračar, according to the spreadsheet — aghast at seeing his own name in my tweet.

For years, convinced he was safe and sound behind a fake account, Slobodan hurled insults at dissidents, critics and opponents of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Yet, a simple “Take it easy, Slobodan” was all it took for him to put Sofija to rest and make a run for it.

Where’d this spreadsheet come from?

My computer says that the Excel spreadsheet titled “27-06-2023” takes up around 750 kilobytes. Nonetheless, its impact has vastly outweighed its size.

The document is a compilation of data related to SNS bot accounts active on Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and TikTok. Each entry includes the real name, surname and location of the user.

Available online since July 6, the Excel spreadsheet was posted on Twitter by @protivdictature, a profile that often provides inside info on SNS. Some of their “reports” are overblown, tabloid-like, disputable, dubitable or flat-out unverifiable, so the new entry was greeted with a certain suspicion.

However, my gut instinct was that the spreadsheet was genuine. It’s hard to believe that anyone could have so much time on their hands to punch into Excel thousands of usernames paired up with fake personal information. According to Brandolini’s law, the amount of time needed to construct misinformation is inversely proportional to the amount of time needed to deconstruct it. This is why sometimes it takes weeks of research to disprove a lie made up in five seconds.

The SNS bot spreadsheet was an example of exactly the opposite. Hypothetically, if it was fabricated, that would mean someone put weeks’ worth of their time and creative effort into typing random combinations of names and surnames for an intrigue that could be easily uncovered within an hour or two.

To fact-check the spreadsheet, I started from my hometown. The spreadsheet lists eight women in Bačka Topola. I had never heard of any of them so I sent out their names to a couple of my personal chats. Soon enough, family and friends back home confirmed that those eight women exist and that they live and work in Bačka Topola.

With my colleagues at FakeNews Tragač, I started a deeper analysis of the data. We also got in touch with one of the people on the list. We’ll call him Slavko here. Slavko said that all of the spreadsheet details about him and his “comrades” from his hometown are true.

How does Slavko earn his employment?

Slavko lives in southern Serbia. After successfully completing his Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees in Belgrade, he returned to his hometown where he was offered a job in a local institution. His educational background made him very much qualified for the position.

The diplomas were not enough. Slavko had to justify his employment through party activism. He was required to create accounts on social media and do some pro-government bot work and on May 26, he was instructed to attend a major SNS rally in Belgrade.

In both cases our protagonist was playing on the edge. He did go to Belgrade on the chartered bus, but then he ran off and avoided much of the rally. He opened accounts for pro-SNS spam, but he ran the accounts in a very passive manner; he never insulted or got into arguments, he just liked, shared and retweeted posts.

VUČIĆ’S NETWORK OF NOW DELETED BOTS POSTED OVER 43 MILLION TWEETS.

Everything that Slavko does for SNS is tracked and scored through a consolidated online platform known as Castle, the focal point of a 2020 report by BIRN. A journalist from the investigative organization succeeded to “sneak” into the “castle” with the help of hackers who found a hole in the security system and were able to witness firsthand the SNS chain of command. She observed how online activists are given tasks, including writing favorable posts, fighting people on Facebook and Twitter and upvoting or downvoting comments on news websites.

That same year, 2020, Twitter had taken down around 8,500 accounts that were found to be in the service of SNS. Daniel Bush, a Stanford researcher, did a metadata analysis on the topic and produced some interesting results. According to this research, Vučić’s network of now deleted bots posted over 43 million tweets, continuously targeted the organizers and participants of the “1 out of 5 million” opposition protests and often shared content published by pro-government media outlets such as Informer, Alo and Pink.

How did this remain a secret for so long?

Three years ago, we found out how the system worked and how well-coordinated it is, but we were still in the dark as to who its operators were. That mystery was solved only this summer.

Why didn’t this information leak sooner? Many times I asked myself: how come we haven’t got more insiders. How is it possible that at least a dozen out of thousands of individuals who are part of this system haven’t become disillusioned, enraged or vengeful enough to come forward — publicly or anonymously — and talk? You need to have a trusted person to do dirty work. Maybe a couple people. A small group at the biggest. But how did SNS have thousands doing this dirty work and force them all to keep quiet?

In his 2016 paper, David Robert Grimes, a young Oxford physicist, tries to lay down a mathematical model that would provide an answer to this question. If the assumptions about a given conspiracy are true, how long before one of the “conspirators” involved reveals details on the secret operation on purpose or on accident?

Grimes based his equation on the number of people keeping the secret, time elapsed and circumstances that make it easier or more difficult to uncover the conspiracy. For example, using his formula, he argues that if the 1969 moon landing had been a hoax, given the number of people involved in the program, the hoax would have been uncovered in less than four years.

The model Grimes tested against popular conspiracy theories (“the MMR vaccine causes autism”, “climate change is a hoax”, “they found a cure for cancer, but it’s kept hidden from the public” etc.) is applicable to real secret projects. According to Grimes’ formula, the vow of silence lasts around five years if there are around 2,500 “agents” involved.

How many “agents” does SNS have?

Although many people who have skimmed over the Excel spreadsheet saw 14,000 people listed in there, note that this is not the number of individuals, but of accounts.

As established by the FakeNews Tragač team, there are a total of 3,162 people listed in the spreadsheet. Most of them are based in Kruševac, Šabac and Leskovac. Only seven Serbian municipalities weren’t represented. A deeper examination — like the 2020 Stanford analysis — isn’t possible because Twitter removed the ability to collect metadata only a week before the spreadsheet was made public.

This is such a shame. Had we collected the metadata only two weeks earlier, we would be able to do a systematic overview of how user activity fluctuates between weekdays and weekends or who are the people who do their botting at work — instead of doing a job they are paid for out of the taxpayers’ pockets.

(I use the term “bots” throughout this piece, even though a more appropriate one would be “astroturfers.” These accounts are not run off software, real people run them. However, the way they lobby for their party and president reverts them back — in a paradoxical turn of events — to the position of “bots”.)

MOST SNS AGENTS PUT LITTLE EFFORT INTO THEIR MESSAGES.

A handful of aggressively creative wordsmiths aside, most SNS agents put little effort into their messages. A tweet saying: “Aleksandar Vučić’s wise policy has brought us prosperity, leading us into a brighter future” makes you wonder how anyone in their right mind could say something so dull.

Army in retreat

“The things we do are just laughable. I know how conspicuous we are. All of it boils down to box ticking,” Slavko said, adding that many people from his local community left the system after the Excel spreadsheet was published. They couldn’t bear the disapproval from their neighbors as well as friends and family.

SNS kept silent for a little while, but then its leaders began to post bizarre images with the caption “Yes, I too am an SNS bot” superimposed in Comic Sans. It’s quite revealing that no photos of “real-life” bots were taken for the occasion — all those images showing “sandwich eaters” (a derogatory term for SNS voters) were actually stock photos.

After Twitter took down around 8,500 bot accounts in 2020, SNS demonstrated that it can rebuild these digital resources relatively quickly.

In spite of that, the task ahead seems far more difficult. Is SNS able to win over people — real people like Sofija, no Slobodan, I beg your pardon — who got scared and ran away because they felt shame, fear or maybe even a hint of guilt?

Kosovo Glocal: The real people behind Vučić’s army of bots

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Kosovo Glocal: Dubrovnik vs Tourism

CAN RESIDENTS SURVIVE IN A CITY BUILT AROUND TOURISM?

Dubrovnik and its main economic activity, tourism, coexist in a complex ambivalence. Though the majority of locals make a living from the industry, there are open questions about quality of life, the preservation of Dubrovnik’s historic core and overall sustainability.
The dramatic increase in the number of visitors to the city in summer months has resulted in numerous infrastructure problems. One of the most serious is transport. Traffic congestion is a near constant, public transportation is frequently disrupted and there is a chronic lack of parking.To some degree, the problem lies with Dubrovnik’s specific geography. The city is wedged between hills and the sea, so any solutions to transport issues such as bypasses or alternate routes are not an easy option. Anyways, the examples of other tourist destinations show that even these remedies fail to address traffic as heavy as Dubrovnik’s. In addition, the local road infrastructure is outdated, in part due to how the southern tip of Croatia is treated by the national government. Dubrovnik has never been connected to the highway network, and that’s unlikely to change in the foreseeable future.

The biggest ever infrastructure project in Croatia’s south — the Pelješac Bridge — was built at the initiative, or more precisely the insistence, of the EU. Supported in large part by EU funds, the bridge was built to connect the territory of a country whose external borders are also the external borders of the EU (a small slice of Bosnia cuts off the southern tip of Croatia from the rest of the country).

For Dubrovnik residents, one of the biggest daily struggles they face is high prices. Some retailers are more expensive in touristy places than in the rest of the country, but so are services, including public transport and especially hospitality. Most hospitality businesses offer discounts to “domestic” guests, the criterion often being whether they speak Croatian or not. However, even the discounted prices are high. On top of this, high prices do not necessarily mean high-quality goods or services.

This economic focus on tourism is reflected in the shortage of skilled craft workers. For instance, it is now difficult to find a mechanic, plumber or shoemaker. Even though vocational education may be lacking across Croatia, the rapid decline of skilled labor in Dubrovnik is the result of locals’ wholesale transition to tourism-related jobs in general and rental businesses in particular. Moreover, the city budget keeps on swelling, yet residents of Dubrovnik do not enjoy high-level social and public services.

Probably the biggest struggle they face though is housing.

Given the development of short-term rental units, it is almost impossible to find an apartment to live in. Other places in the country are seeing soaring rent prices due to the rising number of apartments being rented to tourists. The same process is happening in Dubrovnik, except moreso. There are practically no apartments on the market for long term leasing. For those who can’t get bank credit and who don’t stand to inherit any properties, the rental situation has become an existential concern.

Buying an apartment anywhere close to the center is only possible for those with a large amount of capital, so an increasing number of people are buying real estate in suburbs and near-by towns. This creates problems beyond Dubrovnik, as these neighboring areas are experiencing rapid population growth without adequate infrastructure to handle them.

The current situation reinforces social inequalities, which are rarely discussed. It’s widely believed that everyone is living well off of tourism. This goes along with the common stereotype that everyone from Dubrovnik owns apartments they rent out and just bums around the rest of the time.

The “apartmentization” of the city has led to drastic changes in the Old Town, where few locals remain. Coupled with the fact that many businesses close in the off-season, Dubrovnik becomes a ghost town in the winter.

The prioritization of profit has led to the usurpation and destruction of public space, including the sea.

According to the law, the maritime domain, which includes beaches, cannot be privately owned. Beaches are supposed to be accessible to the public, though they can be offered up for concession. Winners of concession bids often flout the terms of their contract by occupying more land than they’re allowed to, effectively privatizing larger and larger swaths of the seaside. Lack of concern for public space has also led to the “concretization” of the coast and destruction of green space. A prime example of this is the main beach at the Lapad inlet.

Recently the government recently tried to push through a new law that would make it possible to limit public-use of the coast, allow private concession grantees to do construction work in the maritime domain and legalize backfilling beaches, a process that threatens the biodiversity in the local marine habitats.

Since this would have led to — for all intents and purposes — beach privatization, the proposed bill provoked considerable public backlash. In the face of a public petition, the government dropped the most controversial provisions in the bill, but many in the public feel this is only a temporary victory. Evidently, the privatization of the beaches is a long-term goal of some, challenged only by the sometimes-flagging vigilance of the community.

In spite of the law, villas and hotels in Dubrovnik increasingly limit access to the beaches in their vicinity. Activists have protested against this and have mobilized to remove physical barriers to the beach. The fact that activists are undertaking this work demonstrates the lack of a police response. The illegal privatization of the coast is a result of institutional inaction and the corrupt partnership between the government and private enterprises.

Dubrovnik also happens to be the busiest port in Croatia for cruise ships. The total lack of concern for sustainability and long-term thinking on the issue is clear in the fact that locals’ views of cruise ships are shaped by the near universal belief that, despite clogging up the streets, cruise goers don’t spend much in town. This makes the ships widely hated by locals.

Rarely is the enormous damage cruise ships cause to the marine coastal ecosystem mentioned by locals, showing the short-sightedness and exclusive focus on profits of many.

Dubrovnik has the dubious honor of having Europe’s highest tourist-to-local ratio. Inevitably, a large number of people visiting a small town will create undesirable situations, but instead of working towards better and more sustainable solutions, the city government increasingly relies on repressive measures and overregulation.

The mayor of Dubrovnik’s most recent idea was to ban the use of wheeled bags in the old town. Behind the overarching campaign titled “Respect the City” lie some conservative ideas — e.g. the city should be respected by wearing appropriate clothing, so shirtless individuals are liable to fines. However, what is disregarded is that the real damage to the city is a result of exploitation by private companies the ruling elite readily colludes with.

Most jobs in tourism are seasonal. Although many find this desirable because half the year is spent idle, this type of work creates quality of life issues as well. For lower wage workers, the issue of frequent job changes and job insecurity is a constant stress. Seasonal workers also have trouble getting loans from the bank.

The biggest challenge is the discrepancy between the heavy on-season workload, and off-season life, where there is a shortage of not only work, but also cultural and other events. Seasonal work is demanding both physically and mentally, the latter being visible even in the off season. Such a pace of life may take its toll, which tends to be overlooked by many.

The dominant characteristic of relying on tourism for the economy is insecurity. Political, climate and health changes can have an enormous impact, whether they take place inside or just outside Croatia, or even beyond the region. Tourism brings a specific type of precariousness.

A solution to all these problems that is often mentioned is “elite tourism,” seen as the opposite of “mass tourism.” According to this cliché, having fewer guests who pay more would be the magic cure. But this would not only fail to provide a solution to existing issues, but it would also create new ones. Public space would be further privatized, for instance, and prices would go up. Small renters and businesses would be in jeopardy, and it could exacerbate social inequalities.

Though there are many problems Dubrovnik faces due to its reliance on tourism, it is a fact that many locals, and the city itself, survives directly off tourism. This is by no means a call to end tourism. What we need is smarter public policies with a long-term approach that can bring about a more equitable social system. Dubrovnik is in dire need of grassroots initiatives, strong civic consciousness and an insistence on sustainability, so that it can preserve the available resources for future generations. Meanwhile, we can dream of a more just social and economic system.

Kosovo Glocal: Dubrovnik vs Tourism

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Kosovo Glocal: We’ll write our own history

WOMEN’S HISTORY IS ABSENT FROM WIKIPEDIA. WE’RE CHANGING THAT.

I was recently invited to speak at a conference in Prishtina about activism success stories, like the HPV vaccine campaign and the project of writing women into Wikipedia. In the middle of my otherwise calm speech, where I shared many wonderful experiences, I declared: “We’re all going to die!” It was ironic, particularly saying that amidst success stories. But there was a point, people often struggle to come up with what could be worse than death.

Every child who has seen the Disney film “Coco” knows that being forgotten is worse.

Exploring the Mexican Day of the Dead traditions, similar to some traditions in the Balkans — Requiem Masses, All Saints’ Day — the animated film deals with the important topic of death after death. That is, the permanent death of the soul that occurs when there’s no one left among the living to remember us.

The always unfulfilled promise of eternal life

New technologies once promised eternal life for all. The opposite now seems to be the case: oblivion multiplies exponentially day by day. I will try to explain what I mean with the example of “Digital Majority,” a project I launched with literary editor and peace activist Ana Pejović. The project holds the utopian idea that women will ultimately become the majority in the digital world.

As soon as they were created, the internet and other contemporary technologies began to promise democratization, while open-source repositories like Wikipedia seemed like something imaginary — for knowledge to be free and available to all. But that’s not how things turned out, even though everything is within our reach. There’s a great tweet in Serbian that says something like: Despite the fact that the entire knowledge of the world is at your fingertips, that we can learn languages and programming and ancient history, we go online and argue with random people instead.

I first logged onto Wikipedia in 2002 during an IT class. Although I did some basic training, I never used to post anything. Around 91% of Wikipedia editors are men, while only 8% are women or non-binary, a quiet minority. Even though women read more than men online, they make up less than 47% of the readership on Wikipedia.

The reason for this is relatively easy to see — there is little content that speaks to us.

It’s a man’s man’s man’s world

Women aren’t writing, aren’t getting written about, and there’s not enough content that they find interesting.

Only 17% of Wikipedia biographies are about women. Of these, 41% have been nominated for deletion due to a supposed lack of relevance. Who are they not relevant enough to? To Wikipedia community members, 91% of whom are men. With this huge gender gap Wikipedia loses much of its credibility.

This asymmetry means Wikipedia cannot represent itself as objective, neutral or as the biggest repository of knowledge in the world, though technically it still is. Wikipedia has been compromised by the fact that those participating in the democracy of discussing, voting, writing, deleting are 91% men.

WE’RE A DIGITAL MINORITY WITHOUT EVEN REALIZING IT. FROM DAY TO DAY WE BECOME LESS VISIBLE.

Despite gender inequalities and gender-based violence, the global ratio of women to men is almost equal: 101 to 101.8. So, offline, at least, we still exist.

Wikipedia is a major test of online democracy and the founders know it; the organization has facilitated a number of studies and campaigns on the topic. One of them is Gender Gap, a project aimed at reducing gender inequality in the editing community. While politicians vie for power before elections, women fail to see they’re losing a race that has implications for our eternal life. We’re a digital minority without even realizing it. Day by day, we become less visible. And that’s bound to continue until we’re all gone, along with our accomplishments.

Humble steps towards victory

“Digital Majority” had humble beginnings. We started out by adding 25 women’s biographies to Wikipedia, choosing women we had sufficient information about. We were supported by Nevena Rudinac and Ivana Madžarević from Wikimedia Srbije, who offered us free training. Around two dozen women and a young man responded to our public call. Others joined as we went, having heard about us through friends. Soon enough, the list grew to include 140 women.

Many women we write about are still alive. You know what they say? “I’m not that important, there are many more important women.” So we then add those “more important” to the list. So far we’ve edited more than 250 articles, half of what we’ve planned to do so far. But that’s just one part of the story.

SInce ChatGPT has started using information from Wikipedia, the situation has become even more urgent. Given AI and the machine learning processes,  if women aren’t on Wikipedia today, we’ll be nowhere to be found tomorrow.

It’s not enough if we exist only on social media, in local newspapers, and in the city or national archives. If those are the only places our stories are recorded, we will disappear. Even worse, we’ll disappear within our own lifetime. “We’re all going to die!” doesn’t sound as scary with that in mind. Women will disappear before we die.

We choose whom history will remember

We started out by covering histories of the women who were active in peace and anti-war movements throughout the 1990s. We want it to be known that not everyone was in favor of war. Not only that, but some individuals, often women, risked their lives to stop the wars. These were artists, academics, activists, politicians and, especially, ordinary women.

Mothers lay down in front of buses to stop them from taking their children to the frontlines; three women, architect Sonja Prodanović, reserve Major in the Yugoslav Army Neda Božinović and Colonel Marinka Romanov Arneri of the Military Medical Academy met with Chief of the General Staff of the Army Veljko Kadijević, to discuss and prevent Dubrovnik’s isolation. Belgrade University students — including Olga Kavran — went to Croatia, where they negotiated with local Serbs to end the war.

BALLERINAS, PROFESSORS, NURSES, TEACHERS, WORKERS, HOUSEWIVES, MOTHERS, GRANDMOTHERS, LESBIANS AND SOLDIERS REFUSED TO LEARN OR TEACH HATRED.

In her remembrance of Jelena Šantić and the moment women laid their bodies down in front of the building of the Yugoslav Ministry of Defense to protest the Kosovo War with their bodies, Štefica Ivljev wrote:

I hear a voice: “Get up, woman — or else we’ll take care of you!” They push, shove and drag me around; I tell them to get their dirty hands off me. My body rises, but my soul is still down there on the ground. I stand up. Under my feet, my fellow activist Jelena Šantić claws into the scorching asphalt, becoming one with it as she lies prone. It’s boiling hot. I tell her to get up, but she says she won’t. The police stomps on us and removes our bodies from the asphalt. 

I tell Jelena this is all in vain because they will grab and break her before they throw her away. She’s going to get hurt. They’re always stronger than us. I get down to touch her, begging her to stand up. “They’re gonna crush!” She cries: “I’m not getting up! If they wanna crush me, so be it…” Two officers grin: “Oh, it’s you!” They seize her frail body, pick her up. They lift her like an object and put her down by the curb, beyond the shade of a nearby tree everyone runs towards. “Oh, it’s you!” meant “We know you.” They identified their opponent.

Many refused to learn or teach hatred. It was ballerinas and university professors, nurses and schoolteachers, workers and housewives, mothers, grandmothers, lesbians and soldiers. But where are their stories recorded? This unwritten history is full of defeat, dread and deaths that ended the search for freedom and peace. Lydia Sklevicki told us the bitter truth: There are more photos of horses than of women in history textbooks.

We remember criminals’ names, but women’s?

Seven women in the central Serbian village of Trešnjevac started the longest anti-war protest of the 1990s in the region. Most people in the surrounding areas have never even heard of the place.

After more than half of village men were drafted into the military in May 1992, the women decided to do something. Klara Balint, Veronika Gazdag, Eržebet Kanjo, Laura Kavai, Ildiko Bata (née Mesaroš), Ester Pekla and Gizela Teslić organized a protest outside the village school.

They had four demands: an end to conscription, the return of conscripts, a general amnesty for war deserters and the creation of a League of Peace.

On May 10, 1992, after the protest started, Trešnjevac was swiftly surrounded by Yugoslav Army tanks, their guns facing the village. Word got out that they were loaded and ready to attack in case of unrest. According to the locals’ count, there were 92 tanks.

And so the Spiritual Republic of Zicer was born — the longest protest against the 1990s wars in former Yugoslavia. Not all fairy tales have happy endings though. This protest of ordinary women, villagers and workers was not enough to stop the conflict. You can read more about the Trešnjevac protest on Serbian Wikipedia here.

At the conference in Prishtina I asked the attendees if they’d ever heard of Trešnjevac. Only one person raised their hand. I told him he doesn’t count because it was Darko Šper, a journalist from the Independent Journalist Association of Vojvodina who has made at least two documentaries about the Trešnjevac protest and other demonstrations that were organized across Vojvodina. His films are proof that some people opposed the war and fought for peace. I know these movies by heart, frame by frame. The most memorable part is a scene where a mother says, “Why do only our children — children of workers — go to war, but not the politicians’ children?”

This is a woman’s world, this is my world

For the sake of women and the efforts that inspire us, but also for the sake of us who got the hang of writing and editing articles on Wikipedia, I wanted to tell this story in Prishtina as well.

This fall, in cooperation with organizations from Montenegro and Kosovo, we’ll try to encourage others to find more important stories and women so that we can save them from oblivion — so that we can share all strategies of anti-war and anti-violent resistance.

Hopefully, we can build communities based on solidarity, collective work, mutual support and shared knowledge.

IT ALL STARTED WITH A LIST AND WILLINGNESS TO DO SOMETHING; NOW WE’RE JOINED BY A LARGE NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS AND ORGANIZATIONS.

Some of us have children, while others are students — either here or at prestigious universities abroad. Sometimes there’s an exhibition you have to arrange or you’re saving up for your summer vacation, but we’re enduring. Some of us are good at writing, some of us don’t know English, some of us sometimes have a sick kid or a tight schedule because of tests. But we all pull through.

It all started with a list and willingness to do something; now we’re joined by a large number of individuals and organizations. There’s too many to list but I’ll mention some anyway: forumZFD, the Youth Initiative for Human Rights, museum90, the European Fund for the Balkans, Reconstruction Women’s Fund, the Local and Regional Development Center, Anima, Befem, Crvena, Združene…

Women from across the region reach out to us about where to start, how to join. We patiently answer their questions, offering encouragement and sharing knowledge.

And my blood flows, through every man and every child

Women’s lives are inseparable from the lives of everyone. However, women’s names and stories are often left untold. But they will be told. Besides learning about the past, we learn about the present. Above all, we learn how to endure. By means of writing and telling stories, we build a community.

We offer support to each other, but we also talk and laugh together. We thought it was going to be just another project, but we’ve managed to build a community based on care, ethics and accountability.

Today, we’re friends — we travel the region together, telling our story. This fall we are spreading the initiative in Montenegro and Kosovo with the goal of initiating new authors and receiving new articles so we can write a new page of our common history.

It’s not only about Wikipedia anymore. Real-life discussions matter, but so do social media, podcasts, scientific papers, books, films and stories. We want to believe that we can change the world little by little by inscribing women — ourselves — into history. Today, there are multiple ways forward, but hey — ladies first.

We’ll write our own history

Kosovo Glocal: BODY ABROAD, MIND IN KOSOVO

WHERE IS HOME FOR THE DIASPORA?

Osman Osmani has four houses.

“Houses in Prishtina, a house in Golem, a house in Neuhausen. In three places, yet nowhere I call home,” he said. The 66-year-old had planned to spend more time in Prishtina and the beaches of Durrës after retirement, but his wife’s illness and the need to stay close to his four children forced him to stay in Switzerland.

When home is mentioned, Osmani talks passionately about his old house or “the parents’ home,” as he calls it, in Lagja e Muhaxherëve, Prishtina. It was where he learned to stand on his own feet and where he read illegally imported books from 1970s communist Albania.

“I never imagined that I wouldn’t return to Kosovo and stay [in Switzerland]. If someone said that to me when I was younger, there would have been a fight,” joked Osmani, who moved to Switzerland in the 1980s.

Osmani is a social counselor by profession and specializes in the trauma of migration. He has worked as a lecturer and counselor in many Swiss educational, social and health institutions. In 2005, he became the first Albanian in Switzerland to win the four-year parliament member mandate in the canton of Schaffhausen. Despite having integrated and lived in Switzerland for several decades, he and his children maintain strong ties with Kosovo.

Osmani’s story of exile was told on the front page of the Schaffhauser AZ newspaper. In 2018, when the newspaper celebrated its 100th anniversary it had the headline “More than a homeland,” written in Albanian and in red, the German translation: “Albanisch: Mehr als eine Heimat.” Two days before the 10th anniversary of Kosovo’s independence, the newspaper devoted two articles to him: “Ich bin Schweizer” (I am Swiss) with photos of Osmani’s family in Switzerland and Kosovo, and “Der Vater” (The Father), where Osmani and his family speak about their fate and that of many exiled Albanians.

“I left at the age of 24. Here I started a family with an Albanian woman, and my children are in Albanian circles. In addition to my professional life, here I also made connections and friendships with the Swiss — sometimes I even think I was ungrateful,” said Osmani. “As for the many identities, and the many affiliations, I have also motivated young people to move past their problems, but I saw this as a creative thing, and I did not see it as an obstacle.”

From persecution to exile

Kosovar Albanians have a long history of migration and have ended up in various corners of the world. The reasons for migration differ depending on historical periods. During the time of Yugoslavia there were multiple waves of migration. There was a migration agreement with Turkey, economic migration to Switzerland and Germany and migration due to political persecution. Osmani is one of many who migrated because of the latter.

In 1981, Albanians had limited rights in Yugoslavia and protests demanding Kosovo gain the status of  republic within Yugoslavia were violently suppressed.Because of his political activity, the Serbian police raided Osmani’s house after the demonstrations. The police did not succeed in arresting him and for several months Osmani hid with his relatives and in the mountains.

Co-founder of the Movement for Equality and Independence of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia (PKMLShJ) in 1978, Osmani was forced to turn his back on his home in November 1981. Together with the activists from PKMLShJ, Faton Topalli, Nazmije Syla and Abdullah Prapashtica, he escaped to Turkey and found shelter with Albanians.

After the establishment of the Movement for the Albanian Republic in Yugoslavia in Ankara on February 17, 1982, which was founded by the former leaders of PKLMSHJ, Osmani took shelter with Albanian families in Germany. “They opened the doors of their homes to us. We were a financial burden and we also endangered them because they were sheltering ‘enemies of the [Yugoslav] state,’” he said.

In 1983, Switzerland opened its doors for Osmani. Relatives and friends passed on news about family in Kosovo, with whom phone calls were limited due to the fear of persecution.

Osmani’s story holds elements and pieces of the stories of tens of thousands of Kosovar Albanians who sought shelter in the Western world, leaving home behind.

Because of his political activity, prison would await Osmani if he returned to Kosovo. Instead, together with Topalli in the mid-90s, he bought nine acres of land in Golem (near Durrës) and built a three-story house — the ground floor was reserved for guests and one floor was for each family.

In those years, this house became an important hub for activists who were forbidden to return to Kosovo. Unable to meet in Prishtina, the house in Golem became his meeting place with his parents.

During the war in Kosovo, Osmani volunteered in refugee camps in Macedonia, while his children stayed with the refugees in Golem. After the entry of NATO troops into Kosovo on June 12th, 1999, which marked the end of the war, Osmani returned to Kosovo with a Swiss activist. In the following weeks, together with the refugees, Osmani’s children visited Kosovo for the first time in its first days of freedom.

“They experienced a nine or ten-hour journey with others in an open truck. Someone vomited on the old road,” said Osmani. After the war and the damage that it caused, Osmani helped his brothers to build a house on the foundations of their old house in Lagja e Muhaxherëve to repay them for the constant support they gave him over the years. Nearby, he built his own home.

Osmani brought out a photograph, showing him opening the door to the courtyard in the house in Lagja e Muhaxherëve. In front of the doors, on a road that had begun to come back to life, is his father. It was the first days of a liberated Kosovo in the late spring of 1999. The foundations of new houses were laid there soon after. To this day, every time he opens the door to the courtyard, memories of sacrifice and feelings of pride arise in him.

The diaspora in culture

The experiences of migrants and refugees who have their homes in the West but their minds in Kosovo, have been explored in literature, film and research over the years.

The book “Homeland in a suitcase: Stories of Kosovar immigrants in Germany” by Timon Perabo and the playwright Jeton Neziraj begins by describing signs that mark Albanians’ connection to the West. “If you look at children on the street (in Kosovo), or playing in the yards, it may happen that they line up in a circle, simultaneously extending their hands in the middle and calling out in German: ‘schere, stein, papier’ (rock, paper, scissors).”

The chapter “War on Papers” tells the story of political refugee Rexhep Bajrami.

In one of the three letters that make up the German edition, Neziraj passionately describes to co-author Perabo how the mood changed in his house in Kaçanik during the summer and winter visits from Uncle Ilmi, who was part of the first generation of Albanian immigrants to the largest European economy.

“If I were to close my eyes for a few seconds, the fragments of childhood images related to my uncle would be: winter with heavy snow, a Ford Taunus, German rye bread smelling of chewing gum, bananas, skis in the snow, clothes, gray hair, peppermints in green wrappers, tears, large bags that open, guests coming over, a thick woolen coat, a video, color TV, satellite antenna, photographs, chocolates, guests and so on,” he described.

Migration has also been documented by filmmakers. Recently, in his documentary “In The Middle,” director Samir Karahoda looked at the phenomenon of the houses with identical layouts and facades that are found along the highways of Kosovo. Karahoda said that he did not initially plan to tackle the theme of migration.

“Initially my focus was to study and deal with the concept of coexistence and the phenomenon of building the same plan of houses, but while I was researching this topic, I realized that many of them were empty,” he said.

In the documentary, there is no narrator, and the locations and names of the protagonists are not known.

“I have five sons in Switzerland, in Aarburg,” said a man who is only identified as a Hajji, sitting next to his sixth son with whom he lives in Kosovo. “I’ve built these houses for them and they are the owners, so that none of them would say to me ‘this house is better than the other.’ Two floors, three. I’ve built them all the same,” said the old man with a smile followed by a view of six three-story houses — only the one on the left is finished, the other five still need to have their walls plastered.

“Being aware that the diaspora is the main pillar of the economy, maybe even of society in special cases, I think will always be present in our stories,” said Karahoda.

Arsim Canolli, anthropologist and professor of anthropology, does research on the concept of home in Albanian culture, which he sees in relation to migration. In his book “An anthropological account of the house,” he writes that the ancestral home is thought of as the center of the world.

“In essence, man is a ‘man of the house,’ where he lives for a long time as a descendant of his ancestors, as much as he is an immigrant who escapes, travels and creates a new home in a new place,” writes Canolli. In addition, he treats the house as synonymous with isolation. “When talking about the isolation of Albanians, it is said ‘mu ka ba shpia uk’ [“the home has turned into a wolf”]. There is a reason that fanatics are often described as someone whose worldview is limited to their house. As much as we all need a home, we also need to escape from it and to return to it.”

The word “home” in the Albanian language and culture is not only used for the house as a residential structure, but also for the family, as the Norwegian anthropologist, Berit Backer noticed. For years, Backer researched life in Isniq, Deçan, focusing on the structure of the home. Her book “Behind Stone Walls” was published posthumously in March 2015.

In Albanian there are countless positive expressions about the house, such as: rifle house, hospitable house, bread-giving house and big house. You often hear phrases like “there’s no place like home” or, “Ish ba shpi,” which literally means that someone “became a house,” but means they became wealthy. There are also proverbs that sum up relationships with the home in difficult times, such as “Po m’ha shpija” (“the home is eating me”).

Due to Kosovo’s history, especially during Yugoslavia, the house often had other roles than just being a shelter. In the 1990s, when Albanians were expelled from public spaces, the house became a school, university, medical center, military headquarters and many other things. Similarly, the apartments and houses of the emigrants in the West were repurposed into hubs for political activity by the diaspora.

‘People make up the house’

An exiled poet, who did not want to be identified, said he is finding it increasingly difficult to convince his grown-up children to spend the holidays with their parents in their big house by a mountain and river in a southern village of Kosovo. Once, while he was on his way to Kosovo, his son had told him “I don’t like staying too long in Kosovo because even my dreams are in German,” said the poet. “It hurt me, but maybe he’s right.”

Although the tie to the homeland may not be strong for some of the new generation of migrants, they continue to build new homes, even if only to stay in during summer or winter vacations.

All over Kosovo, especially in the villages, large houses with permanently closed shutters catch one’s eye. They were built by emigrants who were mostly born and raised in Kosovo.

“Very beautiful, but useless,” an old man with a black hat in Nerodime e Epërme of Ferizaj stops for a while. “They are empty, there is no one in them. Houses just for summer! People make up the house.”

During the summer holidays, the shutters of many emigrant’s houses are opened and life returns to their courtyards. Kosovo breathes differently, especially in the summer months, when the diaspora returns. All areas of life are intertwined with their plans and activities. Their weddings and parties enrich businesses in various fields — from hairdressers to wedding singers.

There are three questions that are asked so often that they have become a running joke: “When did you come? How long will you stay? When are you leaving?” Some who are closer to the returning diaspora even pose the awkward question, “Have you brought money for your family?”

According to the European Statistics Agency, Eurostat, Kosovo has the greatest dependence on remittances compared to any other Western Balkan country. Eurostat reports that the diaspora sent over three billion euros to Kosovo during 2022, an increase of 5.5% from the previous year. Over 600 million francs were sent from Switzerland alone.

On January 6, the online portal albinfo.ch published an article titled “Kosovo, dependent on remittances from migrants.” The article highlighted that “70% of the remittances that reach Kosovo are spent on family budgets, and if these incomes from the diaspora were to be oriented in the form of investment projects, would develop the state even more. Bad conditions, a weak economy and a low income per capita increase the dependence on the diaspora.”

In addition to remittances, the investments of the diaspora often go towards the construction or purchase of a new home. Detjon Maloku, from the Royal Home real estate agency, said that migrants are increasingly looking for apartments in Ferizaj, where the construction boom has never stopped.

“When you buy a house, you need maintenance, security and there is no one to check on it for you. So they buy an apartment and pay an annual maintenance fee of between 220 and 280 euros,” he said.

“Diaspora is the spirit of Kosovo,” Vlera Bega repeated two or three times, a representative of the commercial and manufacturing company, Bega Sanitary Ware and Ceramics, as she explained the overall economic impact of the diaspora. “Without diaspora, there is nothing. Do you know how different the atmosphere is when the diaspora comes compared to when they are not here?”

Bega said that in recent years, the number of diaspora customers ordering items during the shorter winter and spring breaks has increased. Bega and other business owners say that they are investing more in advertising on social media, targeting Albanians in various European countries on the eve of the holidays with offers and discounts.

“I share furniture on Facebook and I want it to be seen only in Germany or just in one city, and I can target it to the Albanian community because I am a Kosovar page. The rest is then regulated by Facebook. This affects business a lot,” said Bega.

Osmani, who is currently staying with his family in Golem,  said that each of the four houses — two in Prishtina, one in Golem and one in Neuhausen — have special associations for him and his family. But the photo of the old house in Prishtina, which he was forced to leave 44 years ago, evokes the most memories of all.

Kosovo Glocal: BODY ABROAD, MIND IN KOSOVO

awen

AWEN: “Civil Society for Good Governance: A national intervention aiming to strengthening capacities, strengthening partnerships, and raising public awareness”

AWEB conducted an event to present the project titled “A National Intervention Aimed at Strengthening Capacities, Empowering Partnerships, and Raising Public Awareness.” The session began with an overview of the project’s goals and outlined activities. Subsequently, the discussion focused on the active engagement of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in this initiative. Participants explored how CSOs could contribute to and participate in the project’s objectives. The event served as a platform for introducing, discussing, and garnering support for the project’s overarching objectives and strategies. The event adopted a hybrid format, allowing for both physical and online participation. This approach facilitated broader accessibility, enabling individuals to join either in person or remotely through online platforms.

*A two-day training was conducted on “Gender Equality Reforms in Politics and Measuring the Impact of Reforms” on July 24.  Through this training, organizations enhanced their capacities related to gender equality reforms in the country and the region – examining similarities and differences (first day) and the methods that can be used to collect evidence and ways in which data can be utilized to communicate with policymakers and implementers of reforms, as well as the general public (second day). The activity was conducted in a hybrid format, allowing for both physical and online participation. Participants were trained on the second day on methods of data collection and how this data can be used to communicate the impact of reforms in the field of gender equality.