awen2

AWEN: Political Representation in Municipal Councils: Evaluating the Impact of the 50/50 Gender Quota

While the numerical representation of women in municipal councils has notably increased since 2015, questions arise about whether this increase corresponds to a genuine empowerment of women within the councils and an enhancement in the quality of local governance.  A study conducted by our cooperating partner Albanian Women’s Empowerment Network (AWEN) reveals the reality behind these numerical gains. It exposes challenges both in terms of women’s representation in municipal councils and the state of local democracy in Albania. In the current government cabinet, there are more women than men. In the local elections of 2023, women comprised 50% of candidates. Thanks to changes in the Electoral Code—including the increase of the gender quota to 50%—and efforts of local, national, and international organizations, women’s representation in municipal councils has increased, surpassing the 40% mark. But what is happening beyond the numerical achievements?

From August to December 2023, a working group observed and transcribed 49 sessions conducted in 11 municipal councils. This was the third time that the same councils were studied. Men dominated the discussions in all the councils included in the study. Throughout the months under review, men spoke in more than 70% of the cases. For almost all the services analyzed—except for education—women spoke less than men. However, even in the case of education, the difference with men is very small. Once they have the floor, men engage more intensively in discussing public services, social welfare, infrastructure, water supply, and emergencies.  The only field, out of the six analyzed, where women and men discuss with the same intensity is education. To understand the reasons behind these developments, AWEN conducted interviews with members of the municipality councils. They stated that the local elections of 2019 were a turning point because many municipal councils were dominated by a single party. Also, they pointed out that women are often replaced by party leaders or step aside due to negative experiences, especially when they see that their proposals are not being taken into consideration.  A comparison between women and men revealed that women’s speech is interrupted about 2.5 times more often than men’s.

If there isn’t mobilization from local, national, and international actors to tackle the challenges encountered by municipal councils, AWEN foresees an increase in cases where the presence of women in these councils—and across various levels of governance—will be used to block the progress of women in politics and further undermine democracy in the country.

Read the full material below:

PËRFAQËSIMI POLITIK NË KËSHILLAT BASHKIAKE PAS ZBATIMIT TË KUOTËS GJINORE 50/50

444490085_475766278346460_1648563008549194467_n

KOMF: Kosovo’s Child Protection Services Under Threat

Our cooperating partner Coalition of NGOs for Child Protection in Kosovo – KOMF organized an awareness-raising march to warn state institutions about the risk of social services closure. In 2024, social service providers are encountering significant financial challenges. With the majority of international donor programs ending in December 2023, there’s been a significant shortfall in funding, leading to closures, reductions, and limitations in services for children. If this trend continues, more closures are likely, posing a serious risk of child protection services collapsing in Kosovo.

“The closure of children’s social services should serve as a wake-up call for municipalities, the government, and the Assembly of Kosovo,” emphasized Donjetë Kelmendi, Executive Director of KOMF. The coalition finds it unacceptable that social services for children are on the brink of closure. While acknowledging the efforts of the Ministry of Justice in providing some financial support, Kelmendi stresses that it has not been sufficient to fully operationalize social service provision. Therefore, she advocates for the implementation of temporary measures within the Economic Recovery Package to activate social services immediately.

This appeal is primarily directed towards municipalities, which have held complete responsibility for ensuring, managing, and financing social services for children and citizens of the municipality since the decentralization of social services in 2009. Given this context, KOMF has urged municipalities to take urgent actions, fulfil their legal obligations, secure funding, and prevent closures. With the increase in the grant for municipalities in 2024, KOMF has demanded that this rise be reflected in the support provided for social services for children and vulnerable families.

In addition to short-term solutions, KOMF emphasizes the need for a sustainable financing framework to ensure the long-term availability of child protection services. This includes the establishment of a Special Grant for Social Services to address the specific needs of children without parental care, victims of violence, abuse, trafficking, and those with disabilities requiring specialized support. Politicians are encouraged to prioritize the allocation of a budget for social services during the revision of the Budget Law in June 2024 to tackle this urgent crisis.

With impactful slogans such as “Walk in my shoes,” “I have a lot to say but I can’t talk,” and “Constitutional rights shouldn’t need begging,” KOMF’s message rings loud and clear: The time for action is now.

 

 

scidev

SCIDEV- The National Digital Rights Festival in Tirana

The National Digital Rights Festival brought together 15 new ambassadors of digital rights and cybersecurity in Tirana to discuss with senior representatives of independent institutions in charge of personal data protection, cybersecurity, and protection against discrimination.

The ambassadors’ conversation with Mr. Besnik Dervishi, Commissioner for Information and Data Protection, focused on the journey of the Commissioner’s Office, the work the institution performs in the function of protecting personal data, the challenges of protecting personal data against technological advancement, aligning legislation with the acquis, and the role of young people in creating and strengthening a culture in digital rights protection. “As digital tools develop, so must our culture on how to protect ourselves,” Commissioner Dervishi said.

The Digital Rights and Cybersecurity Ambassadors continued the discussion with Ms. Floreta Faber, Deputy Director General, of the National Authority for Cybersecurity, focusing on elements related to increasing awareness and capabilities of young people regarding cybersecurity hygiene.

The conversation with Mr. Gajda, Commissioner for Protection Against Discrimination, focused on the role of the institution and the importance of evidence-based decisions to combat discriminatory practices.

Finally, a digital rights information platform was consulted with participating CSOs, youth and experts, with the aim of better serving the information needs of the wider civic ecosystem in the country.

The “National Festival of Digital Rights,” implemented by the Science and Innovation for Development Center – SCiDEV – aims to empower civil society and youth to protect their digital rights through increased cybersecurity. The project introduces the Digital Rights and Cybersecurity Ambassadors program, which aims to empower youth in the cities of Vlorë/Fier, Shkodër, Pogradec, and Tirana, to assist local communities in protecting and implementing their digital rights.

The journey of the fifteen selected ambassadors began in October 2023, where they, together with other young people, were part of a knowledge-enhancing program in the fields of digital rights and cybersecurity. Subsequently, under the guidance of four mentors, the ambassadors worked to deepen their knowledge in their chosen fields and culminated in organizing four YouthLed Digital Rights talks in their cities of origin.

Find out more here: SCIDEV- The National Digital Rights Festival in Tirana  

proactive

ProActive: Active Involvement of Youth in Enhancing Transparency and Accountability in Local Governance

As part of the project “Active Involvement of Youth in Enhancing Transparency and Accountability in Local Governance,” our cooperating partner ProActive engaged 21 young individuals in promoting civic responsibility. Over a period of 10 months, these young leaders participated in Municipality Council meetings in Kamenica, learning about local government.

During each meeting, they gained insights into local government, witnessing dynamic debates, diverse opinions, and the practical functioning of governance.

The young participants observed, took notes, and analyzed public information on several topics, including student safety in public schools, minority participation in decision-making, digitalization of citizen services, local economic development, and preservation of the environment and natural resources. Their mission went beyond simply observing, they actively worked to make their voices heard by creating media content aired online.

Reflecting on their journey, one participant stated, ‘We’re just young people learning today, but tomorrow, we’ll shape our future. So, it’s our job to keep learning, growing, and making a better tomorrow.’ These young individuals not only gained a deeper understanding of local government but also played a crucial role in promoting transparency and accountability within their community.”

Watch the video to learn more about this initiative: “Active Involvement of Youth in Enhancing Transparency and Accountability in Local Governance,”

Untitled design (1)

Monitoring Visit, Qendresa Qytetare

The SMART Balkans team continued with the monitoring visits in Albania, this time at the premises of our cooperating partner Qëndresa Qytetare.
📝The objective of this meeting was to find out more about the established community center and provide tailored assistance to address any challenges. This space has enabled activists to conduct more activities in line with the organization’s mission to strengthen the role of the citizen in society through advocacy, civic awareness and training of community groups in order to improve governance. Other CSOs and informal groups are also able to use the organization space and capacities to mobilize and organize events that advance their causes.
foto alternativna

Alternativno Udruzenje: A journalist’s take on fake news

Our cooperating partner Alternativno Udruzenje has emphasized the importance of collaboration between journalists and activists from different ethnicities in the fight against misinformation, which promotes hate and conflicts in Kosovo.

The project supported by SMART Balkans aimed to engage journalists in providing fair, accurate, and impartial information. High interest and sensitive topics such as ethnic, religious, or cultural differences often place journalists in front of verbal or physical attacks, aiming to stop broadcasts and the dissemination of fake news. Additionally, Alternativno Udruzenje intended to strengthen the role of activists in defending human rights.

Journalist Ivan Mitic shared his experience with fake news, explaining how misinformation compromises the integrity of the journalistic profession. Not only Mitic, but all interviewed journalists agree that fake news spreads rapidly and finds ground in social networks. This undoubtedly undermines trust in the media and poses a challenge for journalists in verifying every source of information. Fake news aims to increase online viewers, manipulate citizens according to political goals or interest groups. As a tool they use sensational headlines, especially in critical situations to sensationalize events and make them more appealing to the audience.

He pointed out that fake news can also be seen from another point of view, from the positive changes they bring to journalists. Journalists are more vigilant and careful, maintaining journalistic ethics even though they face an increasingly challenging job. In the region, fake news has a more violent impact, as critical situations develop day by day. The key point for combating this phenomenon is media education, so that citizens understand the source of information correctly, the professionalism of the media, and manifest as critical approach.

Watch the video for more tips on how to verify if the news is true: Alternativna: A journalist’s take on fake news. 

ACQJ: SI U MENAXHUA NGA INSTITUCIONET SHQIPTARE MBËSHTETJA E BE-SË PREJ 79 MILION EURO PËR REFORMËN NË DREJTËSI

Autor: Ermal Spahiu

Lufta kundër korrupsionit dhe krimit të organizuar ka qenë kushti i përhershëm dhe më i rëndësishëm i Brukselit për Shqipërinë në procesin e anëtarësimit në Bashkimin Evropian. Raportet e KE-së e kanë renditur vazhdimisht Shqipërinë, në krye të listës së vendeve me nivel të lartë korrupsioni në qeverisje dhe sistemin e drejtësisë. Njëherësh, lufta kundër korrupsionit është pikë e parë në çdo platformë elektorale të partive politike në kohë fushate, ndërsa më pas, në qeverisje ajo harrohet.

Në vitin 2016, u miratua Reforma në Drejtësi me një votim unanim prej 140 votash në kuvendin e Shqipërisë për t’i hapur rrugë një procesi shumë të rëndësishëm në luftën kundër korrupsionit. Më shumë se sa dëshira apo vullneti i faktorit politik shqiptar, kjo reformë ishte rezultat i padiskutueshëm i presionit të vazhdueshëm të partnerëve strategjikë të Shqipërisë, SHBA-së dhe BE-së. Mbështetja thelbësore nisi me hartimin, miratimin dhe më pas zbatimin e reformës në drejtësi.

Në këtë material jemi përpjekur të bëjmë një analizë të mbështetjes financiare që i ka dhënë Bashkimi Evropian Shqipërisë, përgjatë tetë viteve të ecurisë së reformës në drejtësi, si dhe rezultatet që kanë ardhur deri tani prej saj.

Mbështetja financiare e BE-së ka nisur menjëhërë pas miratimit të reformës në drejtësi në vitin 2016 dhe është duke vijuar me projekte të rëndësishme, që prekin sektorë specifikë të reformës në drejtësi.

Bashkimi Evropian ka akorduar miliona euro në sektorët më të rëndësishëm të sistemit të drejtësisë, prej nga priten rezultate konkrete në reformën në drejtësi.

Ministria e drejtësisë ka thënë për ACQJ (Albanian Center for Quality Journalism), se BE ka akorduar 79.06 milion euro për zbatimin e reformës në drejtësi nga viti 2016 deri tani. Tabela më poshtë na njeh me projektet ku janë akorduar këto fonde.

Grantet e BE për zbatimin e reformës në drejtësi nga 2016 deri më sot

Delegacioni i BE-së sqaron gjithashtu, se është në kontakt me autoritetet shqiptare me synimin për të nisur në muajt e ardhshëm një projekt të ri për të mbështetur institucionet e drejtësisë në ngritjen e një Sistemi Elektronik të Menaxhimit të Çështjeve, ku kontributi është planifikuar të jetë 7.5 milionë euro.

“Sundimi i ligjit dhe të drejtave themelore”, ishte një prej programeve me vlerë financiare prej 34 milione euro, që shtrihej në periudhën kohore 2019-2023. Grandi i dhënë nga Bashkimi Evropian kishte si qëllim rezultate me rëndësi në luftën kundër korrupsionit dhe forcimin e shtetit të së drejtës, aryset themelore për të cilën u miratua Reforma në Drejtësi në Shqipëri. Ky grand do të alokohej në disa institucione ku përfshihen: Ministria e Drejtësisë, Ministria e Financave, Qeverisja e Institucioneve Gjyqësore.

Projekti do të duhej të kishte përfunduar në janar të vitit 2023. Në përfundim të këtij projekti do të duhej të kishim rezultate konkrete në disa fusha.

Por çfarë është arritur deri tani falë këtij bashkëpunimi, kësaj mbështetje të BE-së për reformën në drejtësi në Shqipëri? Sipas ministrisë së drejtësisë, rezultatet e deritanishme falë mbështetjes së BE-së janë shumë pozitive. Për ACQJ, Ministria e Drejtësisë sqaron se prej 4 vitesh, nga data e nënshkrimit në korrik 2019, deri në dhjetor 2022, janë disbursuar 19.5 milion euro, ndërsa nga BE u propozua zgjatja e kontratës për vitin 2023. Tre indikatorët e propozuar janë:

  • Indikatori 2: Përmirësimi i përpunimit të ankesave ndaj gjyqtarëve dhe prokurorëve (ILD)
  • Indikatori 5: Rritja e efikasitetit te funksionimit të Gjykatës së Lartë (GJL)
  • Indikatori 7: Përmirësimi i Shërbimeve të Ndërmjetësimit (Gjykata Durrës dhe DHKN)

“Vlera për zgjatjen e Kontratës Sektoriale “BE për Reformën në Drejtësi” është në total 5 milion euro”, thekson Ministria e Drejtësisë në përgjigjen për ACQJ.

Ministria e Drejtësisë sqaron gjithashtu, se janë arritur thuajse të gjitha rezultatet sipas zërave.

REZULTATET E ARRITURA NGA MBËSHTETJA E BE-SË

BE-ja e mbështet rezultatin e këtij projekti në raportin që vjen nga Ministria e Drejtësisë, por ka edhe mekanizmat e saj për të matur performancën.

“Mbështetja e BE-së përfshin shtatë tregues të performancës, secili prej tyre i vlerësuar në baza vjetore. Vlerësimi është bazuar në të dhënat zyrtare të siguruara nga raportet vjetore të institucioneve përkatëse, një raport i konsoliduar nga partneri zbatues (në këtë rast Ministria e Drejtësisë me kontribut nga institucionet gjyqësore) dhe një vlerësim i pavarur nga ekspertë të kontraktuar drejtpërdrejt nga BE-ja. Së fundi, një vlerësim i pavarur i operacioneve të mbështetjes buxhetore kryhet më pas nga Komisioni Evropian pasi të përfundojnë programet”, sqaron zyra e delegacionit të BE-së.

Gledis Gjipali, drejtues i “Lëvizjes Evropiane”, EMA , thotë se BE-ja ka dhënë një mbështetje të madhe për procesin e integrimit, e në veçanti për reformën në drejtësi. Ai flet për rezultate pozitive në procesin e deritanishëm, por edhe për problematika që lidhen me vonesat nga ana e institucioneve shqiptare.

“Mendoj se rezultatet janë pozitive, elementi teknik ka ndihmuar që të kemi një rishikim e hartim të një numri të lartë të akteve ligjore, ndërsa përsa i përket vonesave, kryesisht kanë ardhur nga politika dhe mungesa e kapaciteteve të brendshme njerëzore” thotë Gjipali.

Në përgjigje të pyetjes nëse mund të jenë ndeshur probleme me menaxhimin e grandeve të BE-së për reformën në drejtësi, delegacioni sqaron: Bashkimi Evropian mbështet Shqipërinë në reformimin dhe modernizimin e sistemit të saj gjyqësor nëpërmjet transfertave të drejtpërdrejta financiare në thesarin kombëtar. Këto transferta nuk janë automatike. Ato ndodhin pasi qeveria shqiptare të ketë përmbushur disa kushte specifike, të cilat janë rënë dakord paraprakisht dhe që lidhen me një vlerësim të rregullt të performancës, përfshijnë një dialog për politikat dhe përfshijnë gjithashtu masa për ngritjen e kapaciteteve.

MINISTRIA E DREJTËSISË FLET GJITHASHTU PËR PROBLEMATIKËN NË MENAXHIMIN E FONDEVE TË BE-SË.

Në përgjigje të pyetjes së ACQJ-së, “A keni ndeshur problematika të menaxhimit të fondeve në të gjitha programet e mbështetjes nga BE-ja, të ngjashme me ato të programit IPARD-it për bujqësinë?”, Ministria e Drejtësisë përgjigjet kështu: Duke qenë se kemi të bëjmë me zbatimin e reformës në sistemin e drejtësisë dhe pjesa më e madhe e menaxhimit të fondeve ka qenë kundrejt institucioneve të reja të ngritura nga Reforma në Drejtësi, kjo ka sjellë vështirësi për t’i menaxhuar fondet nga Ministria e Drejtësisë si institucion përgjegjës për zbatimin e reformës. Megjithatë, fakti që disbursimet janë kryer, shërben si një tregues i bashkëpunimit të frytshëm në këtë aspekt”.

MINISTRIA E FINANCAVE SI NJË NDËR INSTITUCIONET E RËNDËSISHME TË MENAXHIMIT TË FONDEVE TË BE-SË PËR REFORMËN NË DREJTËSI, SQARON SE NUK KA PASUR PROBLEMATIKA TË MENAXHIMIT, POR KA DISA PENEGESA.

Pas miratimit në vitin 2016, Reforma në Drejtësi parashikohej të realizohej me një buxhet prej rreth 175 milionë euro deri në vitin 2020. Kostot dukeshin modeste në vitet e para të zbatimit të reformës, por kjo lidhej me vonesat në plotësimin me staf të organeve të reja të drejtësisë. Gjatë vitit 2019 kostot erdhën në rritje të vazhdueshme, pasi ishte periudha kur po ngrihej struktura e posaçme kundër krimit dhe korrupsionit, SPAK.

Për planveprimin në zbatim të Strategjisë kundër Krimit të Organizuar dhe Krimeve të Rënda për periudhën 2023-2025, pritet që Qeveria të alokojë një fond prej thuajse 100 milionë euro për përmbushjen e objektivave. Sipas planveprimit, parashikohet që kostoja totale e vijimit të reformës në drejtësi të shkojë në 96 milionë euro për periudhën 2023-2025. Nga kjo shumë, 10 milionë euro pritet të sigurohen nga donacionet e partnerëve ndërkombëtarë, ndërkohë që 86 milionë euro parashikohet të alokohen nga buxheti i shtetit.

Sipas ekspertëve, reforma në sistemin e drejtësisë është reforma më e rëndësishme, që ka sjellë rezultate pozitive dhe të prekshme.

“Reforma i gjeti institucionet shqiptare të papërgatitura, pasi nuk ofruan zgjidhje për mijëra dosje të tej-vonuara në sistemin gjyqësor. Drejtësia e vonuar është drejtësi e munguar për mijëra shqiptarë. Individë dhe biznese, me të drejtë kërkojnë efektin e reformës në drejtësi në problemet e tyre, prej dekadash. Për pjesën e reformës që ka të bëjë me luftën kundër korrupsionit dhe krimit të organizuar, ka efekte konkrete pozitive. Sfidat mbeten ende të mëdha dhe të vështira”, thotë Arben Malaj, ekspert i ekonomisë, ish ministër i financave.

Mbështetja ndaj reformës në drejtësi sipas ekspertit të ekonomisë Zef Preçi, ka pasur rezultate që kanë çuar në një përmirësim të lehtë të besimit të publikut ndaj drejtësisë në tërësi.

Selami Xhepa, flet gjithashtu me optimizëm për rezultatet e deritanishme të reformës në drejtësi. “Fakti që kemi parë raste të personave shumë të rëndësishëm në politikë si: kryetarë bashkish, ministra, zëvendës kryeministra, një ish kryeministër, i cili është gjithashtu në përballje me SPAK, pra gjykuar nga rastet që SPAK-u ka marrë në konsideratë gjatë viteve të fundit, mendoj që na jep shpresë dhe optimizëm që kjo reformë do të ketë sukses”, thotë Selami Xhepa.

“Në raportin vjetor të Komisionit Europian për Shqipërinë, në 2 vitet e fundit është shprehur qartë vlersimi pozitiv për sistemin e drejtësisë dhe fusha të tjera të lidhura me reformën”, thotë Gledis Gjipali, drejtues i Lëvizja Evropiane.

Për herë të parë gjatë periudhës së procesit të integrimit në BE prej më tepër se 20 vitesh, Shqipëria ndodhet në situatën më të favorshme se të gjithë vendet e tjera te Ballkanit. Në këtë situatë ndikojnë edhe çështje të tjera jashtë vullnetit e kapaciteteve të Shqipërisë, por Reforma në Drejtësi mbetet arritja më e madhe e vendit në këtë proces.

FILIGRANI_002

Kosovo Glocal: Filigree in Prizren

FILIGREE ARTISANS KEEP THE CITY’S TRADITIONAL CRAFT ALIVE.

75-year-old Fatime Baruti has been working with filigree for fifty years. A six-month course opened the doors for her to explore what she referred to as the “magic” of this craft, which is known as the spiritual art of Prizren.

“One of our family members was a filigree artist. When seeing his work, I started to like the craft. In 1965, a filigree course started that 25 girls attended. At first it seemed difficult until we adapted. But with patience and will, we learned it. After completing the course a group of 20 girls were employed at Filigran,” said Baruti.

Like Baruti, the city of Prizren also has a long history with this craft.

The Filigran cooperative was founded in Prizren in 1947. The cooperative’s name changed several times and it was where all the active and experienced filigree artists were employed. In later years, due to a change in legislation, the cooperative was registered as a labor organization for the production of gold and silver jewelry. Up until the ‘90s, the company experienced a growth in active contributors, with the number of filigree artists, including both men and women, reaching 150. The artisans were known for producing pieces of exceptional value that were primarily intended to be gifted to prominent leaders of the time.

Baruti said that in Filigran’s golden era, the artisans would craft large objects, such as vases or 10-kilogram ships, which were made in teams. Even after five decades of working in this craft, she still finds the magic in it.

“What’s special about this craft is that each time something new is created and this gives me a lot of will to work,” said Baruti. According to her, working with fine silver wires takes her to other dimensions, far from the daily struggles of life.

“Working at this desk, I find peace. I am very pleased that I have chosen this profession, because if I were to do any other job, I would not be able to practice it at this age,” she said.

The desks in the current workshop, which is located near the historical center of the city, are among the few remaining items from the former company. Decades ago, the company operated in the Ortakoll neighborhood on Joni Street. These desks continue to serve as a space where the artisans can unleash their imagination and create unique jewelry from silver wires. The scratches on the desks from the many years of work resemble the wrinkles on the faces of Baruti and the last three remaining artisans from Filigrani in Prizren — Bashkim Tejeci, Xhafer Lushaj and Faik Bamja.

The four of them start working every day at 8 a.m.

In addition to working with silver, the four employees of the former gold and silver jewelry production company, which today has been turned into a Limited Liability Company (LLC), work to ensure that this craft stays alive. They welcome new students who want to learn the craft in their workshop in Prizren.

But this mission is not at all easy in the current circumstances.

65-year-old Bashkim Tejeci said that his neighborhood friends were the reason that he started working with filigree in high school.

“In the neighborhood where I was born, which in Prizren is known as the Mahalla e Katolikëve, all my friends were engaged in this craft. When the season [with the most orders] was approaching, they started preparations. I used to feel like I was left behind, or how to say, I felt like I was left as an orphan,” said Tejeci, adding “at that time, my love for the craft of filigree was born.”

In the 1960s in Prizren, filigree courses were offered as part of secondary education.

Tejeci was in high school in the mid-70s, but said: “My inner self just didn’t like high school.” His goal was to continue the craft and so he enrolled in a filigree course. In 1979 he was employed at Filigran.

“Since then, for 45 years without stopping, I have been working with filigree,” said Tejeci.

Similar to Baruti, Tejeci’s connection with this craft has remained constant due to its creative nature.

“The defining characteristic of this craft is that you cannot wait to continue the work. In this way it attracts you, because you create something from the wire threads and you look forward to finalizing the piece,” he said. He added that he has been fortunate to work with the craftsmen as part of a coordinated team, which has also enabled him to make many unforgettable memories.

“If I were to have another life, I wouldn’t change my profession, because filigree has many benefits. It offers you independence, creativity and you have no limitations. It involves imagination, so it belongs to the arts,” said Tejeci.

One particularly vivid memory Tejeci has is creating the Santa Maria ship, which weighed over two kilograms.

“As a sign of gratitude for the contribution of the German KFOR peacekeepers, I placed the German flag on the ship. The commander of the German contingent told me ‘I’ll take it if you put an original flag on it,’” he said.

Meanwhile, he proudly showed the Honorary Citizen key that was made for the former German chancellor, Gerhard Schröder. He also showcased the gifts made for former U.S. President Bill Clinton, former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

In his youth, 64-year-old Xhafer Lushaj from Grejkoc in Suhareka noticed a significant demand for gold and silver jewelry during rural wedding ceremonies. This made him more interested in working with filigree. During high school, he and some of his friends enrolled in a filigree course.

“Then I graduated from the Higher Pedagogical School and was assigned work in a mountainous area. I didn’t like it and after a job call was opened in Prizren at the Filigran enterprise, I started working there. They welcomed me warmly and now I have forty years of experience working with filigree,” said Lushaj. According to him, the key to success in this craft is will and patience. “Without will and patience, no work comes out beautifully.”

Unlike the other three artisans, 66-year-old Faik Bamja, who today mostly works as the workshop’s manager, became involved with filigree a bit later. After graduation, he initially worked at the Printeks company and didn’t join Filigran until 1990. He recalled how easily he adapted to this team because he was surrounded by true masters of the craft. These artisans had experience not only working with silver but also with gold in the past.

He is happy that throughout the years, despite all the difficulties, they have created complex pieces of art that stand out for their beauty and symmetry. These works have elevated the name of Prizren internationally. “In addition to this, we also honored the long heritage of Prizren’s filigree,” said Bamja.

The struggle for existence

Historians and experts who specialize in Prizren’s culture maintain that the city’s filigree heritage dates back centuries.

According to historian Abib Ahmedi, the first records of goldsmiths in Prizren date back to the 13th century. According to the late author Muhamed Shukriu, filigree flourished during the Ottoman Empire and artisans from Prizren are mentioned in Ottoman literature from the 16th century. Shukriu also notes that the filigree artists were among the most famous artisans from the city. They created gold and silver jewelry from wires, while they also working on tobacco boxes, tobacco pipes, ashtrays, parts of the pocket watches, rings, bracelets, earrings, shirt cuffs, necklace parts, ornamental belts, trays, water or wine glasses, cups, hair clips and more.

Tejeci showed that in Kosovo three filigree techniques are used, silver wire jewelry in Prizren, savat technique in Gjakova and a technique from Peja that uses beads.

“The advantage of silver wire jewelry is that old damaged pieces can be repaired discreetly, even after 100 years,” he said.

The old goldsmiths of Prizren mainly worked at the Çarshinë e Kujungjillëk, which is considered the center of filigree craftsmanship even outside the Balkans. Historian Ahmedi notes that the Çarshinë e Kujungjillëk in the Prizren’s Shatërvan was close to the Gunsmith Bazaar, since weapons and other military equipment were also decorated.

“Jewelery reached its highest level of development in the 19th century. According to data from the French consul in Shkodër, E. Vit, in Prizren in 1866 there were 47 goldsmith workshops,” Ahmedi wrote in his book “Theranda-Prizren through the Centuries.”

In 1922, around 35 goldsmiths were identified in Prizren. By 1990, 145 people were employed in the cooperative that had opened in 1947.

“We had a broad market and our own stores. But with the passage of time and with all the turmoil, the enterprise began to go bankrupt. After the war, we tried to do something, but we could not save it from the claws of privatization,” said Bamja.

After the turmoil of the ‘90s, marked by the war in Kosovo and the subsequent political, economic and social changes, Filigran failed to recover. It was privatized in 2006 and most of the active filigree artists from Prizren moved to other countries in search of better working environments.

Bamja was among those who stayed, hoping that the enterprise could be revived.

“After the privatization of the company, a group of 10 colleagues mobilized and in 2006 we started working,” said Bamja, adding that in 2007 they registered the company Filigran LLC.

Initially, they operated out of the former tobacco factory in Prizren. Since 2017 they have been located in their current workshop, which is a municipal property in the city center.

In the workshop where they work today, they also have the machines for creating the silver wires. First, silver granules weighing 100 or 200 grams are melted and then are poured into the ingot mold. This rod is subsequently thinned in the machine into silver wires. These wires are between 1 mm and 0.25 mm thick and are ultimately transformed into handmade filigree pieces.

For several years, with the support of the Municipality of Prizren, this workshop has been conducting eight-month courses for young participants. This initiative is led by four filigree artists who aim to prevent this traditional craft from becoming extinct. With an average of 20 participants per year, approximately 125 participants have been trained since 2018.

26-year-old twins Drilon and Dren Gashi attended the eight-month course in 2023. This year they have decided to continue the training for another eight months.

“The past eight months have gone quickly and we decided to come again to learn more about this craft, where beautiful products are created from a thin wire. We have learned the basics, such as the shapes of eyes, birds and so on, but we still need more skills for larger and more complicated formats,” said Drilon Gashi.

Similar to the twins, 31-year-old cultural activist Fitore Rexhepi is continuing with the second eight-month filigree training cycle. She finds that working with silver wires has given her peace and pushed her creativity.

“I like the fact that we start with a thread and turn it into a shape … figures of eight and birds are used to complete the jewelry, be it earrings, brooches, necklaces. The whole process gives you peace of mind,” said Rexhepi.

In addition to welcoming new students, the last Filigran artisans have collaborated with international artists, thanks to the organizers of the contemporary art biennial, Autostrada Biennale, in Prizren.

In her work titled “A Rose Is a Rose Is a Rose?” artist Camila Rocha from São Paulo, Brazil, collaborated with filigree artists in 2021 to create intricate floral portraits and her first jewelry line. Rocha also presented a video documentary of her drawing process and the filigree artists slowly and precisely creating their work.

In 2023 they were involved in creating the “Mamma perdonami” video installation by Italian artist Genny Petrotta, which explores the cultural heritage of the Arbëresh community in Sicily and the history of peasant uprisings.

Tourists have often been welcomed at the artisans’ work desks, where the process is explained to them. Additionally, the artisans have welcomed various delegations from accredited embassies in Kosovo, where they gave the guests the opportunity to create simple shapes with silver wires.

However, their ambitious idea of integrating filigree as a subject in vocational high schools remains unrealized.

“We are trying to start a school subject in the high school, in order to produce new cadres. We are trying hard with the course, but within the school it is different, because the candidates get certified. If new cadres are not created, then Prizren’s filigree tradition is at risk,” said Tejeci.

Bamja said that they tried to convince the Ministry of Education, Science, Technology and Innovation (MESTI) and the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports (MCYS) to incorporate filigree as a subject in school, but were unsuccessful. “We are trying to preserve the heritage of Prizren. Prizren is proud of its filigree, but one cannot live only in memories. Continuity must be ensured, and the state also has responsibility to ensure this,” said Bamja. “We have the will, but there are many challenges. Now, there are only four of us and I don’t believe that anyone continues this work as a team like us.”

According to him, another idea presented in 2020 by the Municipality of Prizren and MCYS was establishing the Filigree Museum.

“It was an initiative. We even expressed our willingness to donate the desks to the museum,” said Bamja.

In the Law on Budget Appropriations from 2024, MCYS has allocated funds totaling 200,000 euro for the Filigree Museum.

“As far as we are aware, no concrete steps have been made towards establishing the Filigree Museum,” said Bamja.

Filigree in Prizren

 

 

“Integrimi Ekonomik: Ekzaminimi I sfidave dhe mundesive ekonomike të lidhura me antarësimin në BE, si tregti, investime dhe qeverisje ekonomike

Autor: Bardhi Sejdarasi

Editor: Luljeta Progni

Integrimi i Shqipërisë në Bashkimin Europian vlerësohet si një rrugë pa kthim. Përfitimet dhe humbjet nga ky integrim përbëjnë gjithnjë debatin e hapur të procesit të integrimit europian. Pavarësisht ecurisë së këtyre proceseve, vendi përballet me mungesën e njohjes së plotë të detyrimeve, që vijnë nga ky proces integrimi, sidomos për sipërmarrjen shqiptare, me pamundësinë e saj të përballojë sfidat!

16 vite nga firmosja e marrëveshjes së Stabilizim-Asocimit, ku nisi rrugëtimin drejt Bashkimit Europian, 8 vite nga marrja e statusit të vendit kandidat dhe disa vite pritje, ndonjëherë edhe pa meritë, në vitin 2023 Shqipëria përfundoi me sukses procesin screening, i cili shënoi një hap të rëndësishëm në procesin e integrimit evropian.

SIPËRMARRJA SHQIPTARE DHE INTEGRIMI EKONOMIK

“Procesin e Integrimit Europian jemi mësuar ta shohim si një proces të lidhur me qeverinë, si një proces të lidhur me detyrat e qeverisë, por tani që ne kemi hapur negociatat duhet të bëhet e qartë për të gjithë që, nuk është qeveria e Shqipërisë që do të integrohet në Bashkimit Europian. ..Nëse ka një sfidë të sfidave për sistemin shqiptar që të bëhet pjesë e sistemit europian, falë anëtarësimit të plotë të Shqipërisë, është rezistenca e sektorit privat dhe aftësimi i këtij sektori…” 1)

Ky deklarim i kryeministrit shqiptar, Edi Rama, i bërë në 13 Janar 2024, mbase do të ishte më shumë i vlefshëm të bëhej para 10 apo më shumë viteve.

Biznesi shqiptar ështe shprehur më shumë se një herë për këtë integrim. Sipas “Barometri 2023” i Ballkanit Perëndimor, “mbështetja për anëtarësimin në BE është rritur me 11 pikë, duke arritur në 71% në nivel rajonal. Të anketuarit nga Shqipëria treguan mbështetjen më të lartë (96%), me një tjetër rritje prej 6 pikësh”. 2)

Një dekadë më parë, 78% e bizneseve shqiptare prisnin që anëtarësimi në BE do të ishte një gjë e mirë për kompaninë e tyre. Kjo ka qënë përqindja më e lartë në rajon.

Në Dhjetor të vitit 2021 (studimi i fundit), mes 188 kompanive të pyetura nga një studim i Qendrës Shqiptare për Tregti Ndërkombëtare 3), vetëm 24 për qind e tyre thanë se planifikojnë se do të duhet rritje e cilësisë së prodhimeve dhe shërbimeve që ofrojnë aktualisht. Tre të katërtat as që e shikojnë këtë kosto të integrimit.

Gentian Elezi i “ACIT”- Qendrës Shqiptare për Tregti Ndërkombëtare, i pyetur nga Albania Center for Quality Journalism (ACQJ) tha se “biznesi rezulton të jetë shumë pak i informuar dhe rreziku është që procesi do t’i imponohet me shpejtësi të tillë, që nuk lejon marrjen e masave në kohë, për të kufizuar dëmet e mundshme dhe për të përfituar sa më shumë nga procesi”.

Një tjetër vështrim ka “The Albanian Center for Economic Research” (ACER). Zef Preçi, Drejtor Ekzekutiv i ACER i tha ACQJ-s se “…biznesi shqiptar është në rrugën e përgatitjes për të qënë pjesë e biznesit europian, por jo ende gati”.

“Nuk e kam fjalën për aftësinë për të importuar mallra nga vendet e BE-së dhe për të siguruar mbi këtë bazë fitime në një treg të rregulluar keq, nën influencat e interesave të oligarkisë, apo me një administratë publike të zhytur në korrupsion dhe në konflikt të interesit”, saktësoi idenë e tij z. Preçi.

Pengesat kryesore në rrugën e integrimit europian për biznesin duhen parë në kuadrin rregullator të mangët dhe zbatimin e dobët të tij; në problemet e vjetra dhe të reja në sistemin juridik dhe sistemin e rregjistrimit të pasurive të patundshme, në paqëndrueshmërinë e administratës tatimore e doganore dhe korrupsionin e përhapur gjerësisht në të gjithë aparatin shtetëror të vendit, sidomos në prokurimet publike, etj“, – analizon Zef Preçi, drejtor i  ACER.

“Pengesat kryesore, që mund të parashikohen, lidhen me nevojën për informim dhe planifikim për adoptimin dhe zbatimin e standardeve që sjell ky proces“- thotë në ndërkohë z. Elezi.

Studiuesi i njohur këmbëngul se “për këtë qëllim duhet të përfshihen sa më shumë përfaqësuesit e biznesit në bisedime me ekipin negociator dhe ekspertët e përafrimit me tregun e BE-së, duke shfrytëzuar sa më mirë platformat e pjesëmarrjes (si psh Platforma e Partneritetit për Integrimin Europian, apo të tjera), si dhe të parashikohen lehtësira për bizneset që avancojnë vetë me përafrimin e standardeve“.

Nikolin Jaka, kreu i Dhomës së Tregtisë dhe Industrisë së kryeqytetit, që përfaqëson biznesin e metropolit i tha ACQJ, gjatë një komunikimi në whatsapp se,  “është aktivizuar struktura e KEK dhe po merret me axhendë të fokusuar te integrimi i sipërmarrjes. Besoj kanë edhe një axhendë“- tha tekstualisht Jaka.

Z. Jaka nuk kishte një opinion të vetin lidhur me pyetjen e bërë nga ACQJ “Sa i përgatitur është biznesi shqiptar për integrimin europian, kush pengon dhe cila është zgjidhja që ofroni?“ Duke ia lënë këtë një strukture ekzistuese, të “fjetur“ për shumë vite, por të aktivizuar në fillimvitin 2024, sikundër është Këshilli Ekonomik Kombëtar (KEK).

Por Arben Shkodra, Sekretari i ri i Përgjithshëm i Këshillit Ekonomik Kombëtar i tha ACQJ-së se “aktualisht nuk ka një analizë/vlerësim të shkallës së njohjes apo përgatitjes së sektorit privat në lidhje me integrimin në tregun e përbashkët.“

“Kjo mbetet një sfidë e brendshme e vetë sektorit privat dhe një sfidë e shtuar e qeverisë për të krijuar mekanizmat e nevojshme, se si mund të përballemi. Integrimi i sektorit privat në tregun e përbashkët, së pari, ka të bëjë me plotësim të standardeve dhe detyrimeve dhe, më pas, me shfrytëzimin e mundësive që paraqet“ – shtoi Sekretari i Përgjithshëm i KEK.

Ndërsa Alban Zusi, ish zëvendësministër i Bujqësisë dhe një sipërmarrës i njohur shton se “pengon mungesa e njohurisë nga ana e autoriteteve publike dhe mungesa e një analize nga ana e tyre mbi përputhshmërinë me standardet dhe e një analize krahasuese të kostove bazë të biznesit shqiptar, krahasuar me atë të EU, veçanërisht për ngarkesën fiskale“.

Më i drejtpërdrejtë në një prononcim për ACQJ-n është Sokol Kraja, CEO i Capital Resources.

“Ka dy tre faktorë që  ndikojnë tek integrimi i biznesit. E para, janë pronarët dhe mendësia e pronarëve, të cilët nuk kanë as biznese të strukturuara”.

Kraja analizon gjendjen e sotme të biznesit dhe është mjaft i ashpër në përfundim të kësaj analize: “E para duhet të ndrrosh pronarët e të gjithë kompanive shqiptare, të dish sa të përgatitur janë atë, sa anglishtfolës janë, sa dinë të bashkëbisedojnë në një tryezë me të huaj dhe, e dyta, sa konkurruese janë kompanitë e tyre për tregun botëror”.

Kraja e quan mjaft të vështirë integrimin e bizneseve shqiptare në tregun rajonal dhe atë europian: “Fatkeqësia e madhe është se dhjetë bizneset më të mëdha në Shqipëri, janë kompani që punojnë me fonde publike! Ky është anormaliteti më i madh, nuk duhet kështu! Në botë, kompanitë më të mëdha janë kompanitë që prodhojnë. Të vjen keq në çfarë derexhe është katandisur prodhimi vendas!”, përfundon Kraja në një intervistë audio, në përgjigje të një kërkese me shkrim, të dërguar nga ACQJ në adresën e tij të biznesit.

Gjin Gjoka, i Dhomës të Diasporës Shqiptare e dërgoi me shkrim përgjigjen e tij, duke theksuar se “bisnesi shqiptar është i mirëpërgatitur për t’u integruar. Shumë biznese shqiptare kanë mbi 20 vite që funksionojë dhe bashkëpunojnë me vendet e tjera të Bashkimit Europian për tregtimin e produkteve. Bizneset janë të përgatitura,. Nuk ka pengesa për integrimin.” – tha për ACQJ z. Gjoka.

Ines Muçostepa, Presidente e Bashkimit të Dhomave të Tregtisë dhe Industrisë së Shqipërisë (BDHTI) ka komentuar gjatë procesin, por në thelb ka pranuar se “BDHTI ka disa vite që punon për integrimin e sipërmarrjes në tregun rajonal dhe të BE. Si përgjigje e komunitetit të biznesit ndaj zhvillimeve politike në kuadër të procesit të Berlinit, themeluam Forumin e Investimeve të 6 Dhomave të Ballkanit Perëndimor (ËB6 CIF), duke përfaqësuar më shumë se 350,000 sipërmarrje nga rajoni. Me këtë mekanizëm i kemi dhënë zë të përbashkët komunitetit të sipërmarrjes rajonale, për të lehtësuar kontaktet ndërmjet tyre dhe për të mundësuar lëvizjen e lirë të mallrave, të njerëzve, të shërbimeve dhe kapitaleve, si edhe për ta integruar sipërmarrjen në tregun e Bashkimit Evropian” – siguroi Muçostepa.

SHQIPËRIA, BIZNESI DHE EKONOMIA NË TËRËSI

Kur Bullgaria dhe Rumania hynë në BE në vitin 2008, shumë biznese u mbyllën përfundimisht ose përkohësisht, për shkak se nuk plotësonin standardet e kërkuara nga BE-ja.

Alban Zusi, ish- zv.ministër i Bujqësisë, sot sipërmarrës në agroindustri, mendon se e njëjta gjë do të ndodhë në mënyrë të pashmangshme edhe në Shqipëri. “Në momentin që Shqipëria do të hyjë në BE, prodhuesit vendas ose do të bllokojnë prodhimin, ose të duhet të bëjnë investime të rëndësishme, që nuk dihet nëse do të mund t’i përballojnë dot, për shkak të kostove të larta”.

A. Zusi, në cilësinë e Presidentit të Qendrës Shqiptare të Eksporteve nënvizoi se “biznesi shqiptar nuk ka asnjë ide se cilat janë pasojat që mund të ketë nga integrimi, pasoja që do t’i vijnë nga mospërmbushja e standardeve, për të cilat nuk ka tolerancë dhe, pasoja nga kosto të shtuara nga sistemi fiskal i disfavorshëm, që kemi, kryesisht në lëndët energjitike”.

Agim Rrapaj, Kryetar i Këshillit të Agrobinzesit Shqiptar (KASH) iu përgjigj kështu interesimit të ACQJ-s:

“Agrobiznesi Shqiptar nuk është i përgatitur për të përballuar sfidat e integrimit! Konkretisht nuk mund të konkurojë në treg për kostot e larta të prodhimit, si dhe për cilësinë dhe standardet”.

Ilir Pilku, ekonomist i angrokulturës dhe Manager i AFS, (Alternative FACQJncing Studio), iu përgjigj kërkesës së ACQJ, duke theksuar mes të tjerash se “procesi i integrimit/anëtarësimit përfshin jo vetëm rritje të konkurrencës në të gjithë zinxhirët agro-ushqimore, por më gjerësisht, duke përmirësuar dhe miratuar modele të ndryshme të politikës bujqësore, bazuar në CAP (Politikat e Përbashkëta Europiane), të cilat janë më kërkuese në aspektin konceptual, ligjor, administrativ dhe fACQJnciar të saj.

Shumë biznese do të kuptojnë se nuk do t’ia hedhin dot më, duke manipuluar me cilësinë e ushqimit, ndotjen e mjedisit, kushtet e higjienës, shëndetit dhe sigurisë në punë, kontrollit të tregut, duke ofruar produkte dhe shërbime më të mira për konsumatorët.

“Zgjidhja duhet parë si një proces i shtrirë në kohë, e bazuar në ekspertizë vendase dhe të huaj, në një dialog të sinqertë dhe transparent të qeverise me komunitetin e biznesit dhe botën akademike, shkurt në kërkimin dhe në gjetjen e zgjidhjeve për problemet përmendura më sipër” – thotë Zef Preçi.

”Zgjidhja? Krijimi i grupeve sektoriale të analizës që t’ia japin të gatshme panoramën e sa më lart, krijimi i grupit negociator shqiptar, me qëllim përgatitjen e biznesit, por edhe të paketave fACQJncuese për përshtatje dhe të paketave fiskale për barazim në konkurrueshmëri”, – nënvizon Alban Zusi, Presidenti i Qendrës Shqiptare të Eksporteve.

Në të gjithë këtë përballje me sfidat e integrimit europian, më e rëndësishme mbetet pjesëmarrja. Biznesi ende nuk është pjesë reale dhe aktive në këtë proces. Quhet problematik numri i lartë i organizatave të biznesit, me më shumë se 180 shoqata!

Disa herë të politizuara skajshëm, disa herë pa nivelin e duhur të drejtuesve të tyre, të emëruar dhe jo të zgjedhur, shoqatat e biznesit u bënë jofunksionale dhe asnjëherë përfaqësuese.

Qeveria synon krijimin e një Dhome publike me anëtarësim të detyrueshëm dhe nxjerrjen jashtë loje të shoqatave të sipërmarrjes! Thelbi i këtij modeli përfshin riorganizimin e modelit aktual drejt modelit të pastër të së drejtës publike.

Disa vjet më parë, në vitin 2016, qeveria tentoi të zbatonte të njëjtën skemë, për anëtarësimin me detyrim të bizneseve në një Dhomë tregtie, por u tërhoq pas kundërshtimit të ashpër të shoqatave të biznesit…

Është hapur dera e një rruge të gjatë…

Ferizaj_Dusseldorf

Kosovo Glocal: My father returns to Germany

THREE DECADES BETWEEN TWO VERY DIFFERENT TRIPS TO GERMANY.

My father traveled by plane for the first time in early 1985. He temporarily left his job as a teacher in the villages of Prizren and headed for Switzerland. Being the only one working in the eight-member family, including my grandfather and grandmother, he stayed in Switzerland for nine months, hoping to improve the economic situation of his family back in Ferizaj.

He worked on a farm in Switzerland. Although he had grown up and been educated in Kosovo’s newest city, my father knew very well what working in fields and lands was like. Our neighborhood was then a suburb of the city and most of the families kept cattle, working the land in their villages.

“I couldn’t stay any longer because I missed you. You weren’t even one year old when I left,” said my father, when I asked him why he returned.

“How could he possibly stay in Switzerland without me, when I used to cook him flija to eat with his colleagues on their visits to Prevalla and Brezovica,” my late mother used to tease him. My father would laugh.

After nine months in Switzerland, he returned to Kosovo to work as a teacher.

In the 1990s, as life became harder under Serbia’s violent measures, many Albanians left Kosovo for western Europe, often crossing the former Eastern bloc countries on foot — walking the snowy mountains and crossing the cold rivers. My father reached Germany illegally twice between 1992 and 1995. He slept on the tiles in the corridor of a Czech police station and then managed to sneak past the Slovak, Czech and German border guards to reach Düsseldorf by train.

Although my father finally returned to Kosovo at the end of 1995, thousands of Kosovars stayed in Germany and eventually brought other family members there. Over the years, the Kosovar diaspora in Germany grew and today numbers about half a million. Tens of thousands went as refugees during the war in Kosovo, like my brother Faton, who left a week before the beginning of the NATO bombing on March 24, 1999. He also illegally crossed the borders of the former Eastern bloc countries to reach Germany. Others went to start a new chapter after Kosovo’s liberation, like my two sisters, Selvija and Sanija, who flew to Germany in the early 2000s, married and started families there.

Every time Faton, Sanija and Selvija came to Kosovo on vacation, they would beg my father unsuccessfully to start the lengthy process of obtaining a tourist visa so that he could visit them and Germany again.

“I visited Switzerland in 1985 with a work visa and Germany twice in the 1990s illegally,” my father would reply, avoiding the topic of visas.

But grandparents always surrender to the demands of their grandchildren. This year, my father fulfilled Faton’s son Eldi’s wish, who wanted his grandfather to be a special guest at his fifth birthday party. Eldi turned five years old in 2024. This was the year when, 24 years after the end of the war in Kosovo, the European Union finally lifted the visa requirements for Kosovars to travel to the Schengen area. The arduous process of applying for a visa, which my father had been hesitant to follow, came to an end. I did not plan to join them due to work commitments, but my father had decided for both of us.

“Maybe you’re afraid to travel alone by plane?” I teased him. “This is not my first time, but be careful because Faton said he will send you the plane tickets on Viber,” my father replied. He doesn’t use the smartphones that his siblings have sent him so they can call him for free using apps. Instead, they have to spend the extra money to call him without using the internet in order to keep in touch.

On January 24, 2024, my father and I traveled to Düsseldorf, known as the city of Ferizaj’s diaspora.

My father boarded the plane 39 years after his first trip to Germany, returning for the first time in 28 years.

“The bakery won’t leave you alone, even on the plane”

Prishtina airport security officials and border police were courteous when dealing with older and younger passengers who were traveling for the first time. In January, a large wave of Kosovo citizens were returning their debt of visits to their family members in the diaspora. On the plane, three women in the fourth row started eating burek with meat.

“The bakery won’t leave you alone, even on the plane,” I said teasingly to my almost 71-year-old father, who works as a driver for a bakery in our Ferizaj neighborhood. “Only Zogi is missing,” he said, referring to the bakery’s owner.

In addition to a bottle of water, we also took on board a book of essays by the painter and writer from Kosovo, Rexhep Ferri, “The Cuckoo Clock.” However, journalistic curiosity does not allow you to concentrate when you are trying to read on a large transport vehicle. Sometimes I read, sometimes I look, and sometimes I wonder. Like father, like son — I’ve also been too lazy to follow the visa application process and haven’t traveled by plane since June 2014.

As my father nods off, I try to understand the decisions and challenges of his generation, most notably the challenges of the 1990s, which I remember more clearly as I was an elementary school student. They continue to accompany us like shadows, on sunny days and days with dark clouds. They won’t go away. They are a source of clashes and reconciliations on the long road to freedom.

One of Ferri’s expressions, “After each war, freedom was born dead for Albanians,” cleverly criticizes society. Ferri highlights the corruption among those he refers to as the “noble patriots” — the political class after the 1999 war, who attempted to downplay criticism of their governance by emphasizing their undeniable contributions during the war.

I got distracted from reading.

In the 1990s, the Balkan region was going through difficult times. After the removal of Kosovo’s autonomy within the Yugoslav Federation in 1989 and the various forms of Albanian resistance, the Serbian government, headed by Slobodan Milošević, intensified oppressive measures against Albanians. Meanwhile, Slovenia and Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia as the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was about to break out in 1992.

In Kosovo, Albanian employees were fired from their jobs and others left their workplaces, creating a parallel system of operation. My father was among the employees to leave his workplace in resistance to the growing violence.

“Look sons, the situation was already worse. So we said to ourselves: ‘Whatever others face, will come knocking on our door too,’” replied our father, when asked how he made such a decision.

My father started working in education in 1974. For several years, he worked in the mountain villages of Suhareka with his brother Rexhep, known as Rexha, after whom I am named. Rexha’s death at the age of 25 from cancer in 1980 was a severe hit for my father. He also has two brothers and two other sisters from his father’s side, but uncle Rexha was not only a brother but also a friend. In fact, my grandmother said that Rexha, more prudent, but with a strong character, was a pillar for my father. He has started talking about Rexha more in recent years.

For another 16 years, my father was a teacher at the primary school in the village of Lubizhdë, Prizren. He was used to the daily challenge of traveling from Ferizaj to Prizren and back again. But in 1992, the main challenge became securing money for the bus ticket, since teachers in the parallel education system didn’t receive salaries.

In response to this, the three percent fund was established in Kosovo. This initiative allowed all those who were employed, diaspora or anyone with financial means to contribute up to three percent of their income. The collected funds were used to finance parallel institutions such as the education and health sector.

Without their regular salaries, teachers depended on a few tens of German marks as wages. And yet, there was hope.

I return to “The Cuckoo Clock.” I continue with the chapter “How we survived,” where Ferri describes a conversation had in 1979 with a Croat in Zagreb with “thick eyebrows like Miroslav Krleža,” referring to the famous Croatian writer of the 1990s.

“You Albanians remain hopeful for a long time. You are patient and wait until everything becomes too late,” Ferri quotes, and he replies in the essay: “Whoever reads us more deeply, reads a different story.”

In this story the house was not just a home. It was a school, a university, a newsroom, a municipal directorate. The house does not only preserve the memories of family members; often, a person’s value is judged based on whether they are from a well-respected family who contributed during this time.

When the school gates were closed, the doors of our homes, which had been turned into classrooms, opened. I learned the Albanian alphabet in a house in September 1991. The boards placed on red bricks made makeshift chairs and tables, a 16-square-meter room, in a “četvorka,” the Serbian term that the adults used to refer to four-room houses, in Talinoc i Jerlive. After being expelled from the school building named after the partisan heroine Ganimete Tërbeshi, this house became a makeshift school for elementary school students from a part of the city and a neighboring village.

The owners of the house lived in western Europe, from where money came to keep education alive and also to pay for my father’s bus ticket to Prizren. As money became scarce, our grandmother’s ritual of slicing the roulade brought from Prizren into six equal parts also became less frequent. In my father’s jacket pockets, we would only find tickets issued by the blue Kosovatrans buses.

My grandfather’s pension was vital for the whole family. After working for almost two years, often without a salary, my father was forced to leave his family, students and colleagues behind. In February 1992, he set off to Germany.

He was clear about his purpose, but faced many uncertainties about the path ahead.

“Why didn’t they applaud?”

Before the plane landed, there was several minutes of turbulence that caused quite a bit of discomfort among the passengers. Some passengers instinctively began to grip the backs of the seats with their hands. Before the plane had fully touched down, the passenger next to me video-called his wife in Kosovo to share the moment of landing.

“Why didn’t they applaud?” my father asked.

In contrast to the chaotic experiences of disembarking from a plane, civil airport officials and red and green lights enforced order before passport control. Border officials asked travelers for proof of their residence address, the reason for their visit and some were also asked for proof of financial means.

“The border official is saying, ‘How is it possible to save this much with a 500 euro salary in Kosovo?’” translated an expatriate to a young man who was being heavily interrogated by the border official at Düsseldorf airport. The young man showed the official how much money he possessed. The border official also asked us for an address of residence and the reason for his visit. My father stays calm. His first journey to Germany in the early ‘90s was totally different.

In the early ‘90s, my father started his journey to Germany with my late uncle Bajram from the bus station in Ferizaj. They continued through Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

“We used to cross the rivers in the winter, but also the borders. The traffickers used to bribe the Romanians and Ukrainians with a little money,” my father told my sister Sanija and niece Elsa. They had come from Kelheim in Bavaria to Düsseldorf where we were staying at my brother’s house. “There was a teacher with a wife and a child, the boy used to cry a lot,” my father added, looking at Elsa. “So much, just like in the ‘Train Kids’ by Dirk Reinhardt,” Elsa said, adding, “It is a novel that describes the stories of children who cross illegally from Mexico to the United States of America.”

My father explained that traffickers sometimes intentionally heightened the tension during the exchange of illegal immigrants, in order to increase the pressure and fear so that they could demand more money than they initially agreed upon. “They required [the equivalent of] more than 1,000 euros, saying that there are cases when friends were in debt to each other for the previous groups of illegal immigrants that they took to Germany. Uncle Bajram was caught hiding under some pine trees and they returned him to the Czech Republic. One willingly returned, since his wife and two children were arrested by the police,” said my father.

But the German police later arrested the rest of the group who had already crossed the border. “They kept us in custody one night. We slept in a row, in the corridor, our heads at the others’ legs. The next day they returned us to the Czech Republic,” he said.

The initial agreement with the traffickers was no longer valid. “A different trafficker said, ‘pay again because this time you’ll pass with another group.’ We were 16 people being transported in one van. Sometimes we stopped in one house, then in another. Sometimes we ate something, sometimes nothing at all,” said my father.

When they tried for the second time, they managed to avoid the German authorities, walking and hiding for hours in the snowy mountains. “I don’t remember the name of the place, but the trafficker booked our tickets and told us which train to board for Berlin. One of us had bought a newspaper. He spent the whole journey pretending to read it, without even understanding a word in German, acting like he’s German,” said my father while laughing. “A trafficker had a camera hanging around his neck. He was pretending to be a tourist and so as not to get arrested, he used to take pictures.”

From Berlin, they continued by train to Düsseldorf. During their year-and-a-half stay, they worked every day except Sundays. “I arrived there on Saturday, on Monday, Gani Rosha found me a job,” said my father. He was referring to Gani Reshani, an Albanian entrepreneur and political activist in Germany in the 1990s.

My father returned home for a few months in the summer of 1993, but soon after, he had to leave for Germany again.

I clearly remember the small brown suitcase that was filled with chocolates, but I can’t remember the color of the bigger suitcase with wheels. “The second time I traveled illegally, it was a little easier because I had more money to give to the traffickers,” he said.

My father also worked in construction during his second stay. Over time, he had developed the skills of a mason, as the work was better paid. However, working on the scaffolding was dangerous. He mentioned a time when he was injured at a construction site, falling from the scaffold and hitting his head on the corner of the concrete foundation. When he regained consciousness, he begged the “polier,” the German supervisor of the construction site, not to call an ambulance because the authorities would find out that he was staying there illegally.

“I cut my head,” he said, touching the place where he was injured.

The gravity of the conversation lightens when he reveals a secret he had kept for months from his late brother Hasan, who he was living with. He reveals that he had deceived Hasan into believing the meat he was buying was not pork. Hasan, my father’s brother, had also left illegally for Germany after being expelled from his workplace at the wood plant in Ferizaj in 1990. Uncle Hasan was later joined by his older son Muharrem, who had not responded to the Yugoslav call for military service after the outbreak of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992. As part of Serbia, Kosovars were called to announce themselves to Serbian barracks in Kosovo and join the war front in Bosnia.

In Germany, my father and uncle took turns taking care of the kitchen and laundry.

“Yes, I bought it from [the Turkish shopkeeper] Hasan,” my father always told my uncle. However, one day, my uncle debunked his claims when his nephew translated the German writing on the package for him.

Hasan, the shopkeeper, has died, but left his son a network of hostels and businesses, connected to the history of Albanian immigrants from the ‘90s. “Albanians used to leave the hostel without paying and he started not accepting anyone without first paying rent. There were people who used to insult him, but he didn’t care: ‘bezahlen, bezahlen’ [‘You must pay, so pay’]”.

The second time, my father stayed in Germany for two years until the end of 1995. I remember visiting my uncles almost every weekend as my mother would talk to him for hours on the landline at uncle Sadri’s house.

After returning, my father didn’t leave Kosovo again, nor did he return to his profession as a teacher.

After 1999, father worked for a few weeks at the Greek KFOR camp in Gërlica in Ferizaj, as the salary was good for the post-war period. When the schools reopened, he tried to return to the Gjon Serreçi primary school in Ferizaj, but gave up after a month.

“I was too detached from it and was no longer prepared to teach. If I were to continue, I would just damage the children’s learning,” said my father, who continued with various construction jobs. We also helped him with various jobs that were created in Ferizaj by thousands of foreigners, mostly Americans, who settled in the city and worked at the American camp located in the village of Sojeva.

Dad visits Germany again

On the morning of January 26, 2024, Drin, the other grandson, led us to the Hauptbahnhof. During the 25-minute walk from the apartment on Sternstraße, Drin asked his grandfather: “Do you remember anything? Here is the Chinese quarter,” said Drin.

“Your grandfather stayed here illegally. Six days a week, nothing else but baustelle [construction] — apartment, baustelle — housework,” my father replied.

“Where did you used to go on Sundays?” I asked him, laughing. He replies with a head shake. I expect him to turn and scold me, with his usual expression: “Sometimes, you are completely carefree!”

In the large corridor of the station, Drin read the schedules and destinations. He accompanied his grandfather to one of the platforms above. At the top of the stairs, passengers are also greeted by a sign with the Albanian word for welcome. “Did you take a picture of us with this welcome sign?” asked my father, a man who doesn’t possess a phone that has a camera. “To show to Hajrizi,” he referred to his aunt’s son, with whom he spends the afternoon in Jezerc, a village in Ferizaj.

My father’s daily routine in Ferizaj is shaped around his relationship with Hajrizi. Every day, after delivering bread to different shops for around three hours in the morning and at noon, he nods off in the living room. After, he calls Hajrizi to drink a macchiato or a cold beer in the restaurants along the gorge or the slopes of Jezerci, some 12 kilometers away, west of Ferizaj. Sometimes he occupies himself with the farming tools that he buys on Sundays at the bazaar, or that his brother Faton brought him from Germany.

“He cannot be without Hajrizi, even here,” said Sanija, after my father asked her to call him.

“He will not be able to stay here for three weeks as he promised,” I told them to warn them right on the second day, listening to his excuses that “we will disturb them here as they had to take days off and stay with us.”

“What you miss is your daily routine in Kosovo,” I replied to him.

Faton promises that next week he will take my father to visit friends and relatives in other German cities. “We will even go to Switzerland. Do you know the place where you used to work on the farm?” He asked my father, who was being open about his desire to return to Kosovo with me on January 29. I could see that he was disturbed by the peace in the courtyard of the rented house in Knittkuhl, where my brother lives. He is used to the noise in our Ferizaj neighborhood, largely due to the presence of heavy construction vehicles building the high-rise buildings that are taking over the skyline.

My sister and her husband take us out for lunch at an Italian restaurant with Spanish owners. Even in one of the most popular pizzerias in Altstadt, the old town, the owner is Italian, but the chef is Albanian. The walk along the Rhine River concludes at the base of the Rheinturm, the well-known tower of Düsseldorf. Designed by architect Herald Delimann, it was inaugurated in 1991. It was one of my father’s desires to visit it, but he had not done so because back then he was in Germany illegally and was scared that the police would notice as the parliament is nearby. The elevator travels at a speed of four meters per second and takes us to the bar, which is at a height of 168 meters. The view is amazing. In clear weather you can also see the cities around, even the Köln Cathedral.

At the intersection of Duisburger Straße and Sternstraße, a newspaper stall catches my eye. I take the Süddeutsche Zeitung newspaper because the format reminds me of Koha Ditore where I worked as a journalist from the beginning of June 2007 to the end of May 2023. I missed the smell of newsprint. Koha Ditore has not been printed since 2020 during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Today, Kosovo remains one of the few countries in the world that does not have a printed newspaper.

“They have the habit of reading,” said my father, about the Germans.

I can notice this on the buses. Sitting in front of me is a gray-haired man who spends about ten minutes glancing at the headlines before taking out a notebook and pen from his pocket, and notes down the discounted items advertised in the newspaper. We traveled by tram to the suburbs to see an Albanian shop. It reminded me of my uncles’ shop in Talinoc i Jerlive, with the arrangement of products on the shelves, except it didn’t have the same long cashier stand. The shop is near the Düsseldorf-Rath S-Bahn station and is very popular with Albanians.

“Here you can find everything here that you would in Kosovo,” said Selvija. “Look at the wooden cradle.”

In the cafe on Herr Straße where Albanians gather on Saturdays, there are many stories similar to my father’s, detailing the challenges of the illegal routes taken to reach Germany.

Laughter begins whenever Bashkim, an Albanian waiter, brings a new customer their order. “He cannot even remember the order for two people, they say, ‘No worries, I’ll drink it anyway,’ and in the end he adds it to the check,” said one of my brother’s friends who joined us. “No, it’s not like that,” Bashkim replied with an accent that is typical of Albanians from North Macedonia.

On Sunday at noon, we return to the airport.

Unlike during the landing in Düsseldorf, this time the passengers applaud after the plane took off. “This time they fulfilled your wish,” I said laughing. Applauding after the plane takes off is a hard habit to understand. My relatives, including my father, sisters and brother, have told me about this custom often. It was more common in the 1990s. Perhaps, beyond flying by plane being a new means of travel, there is also an element of gratitude that “thank God the plane took off and landed without problems.” These are two critical moments that warrant applause.

My father nods off on the flight back home, just as he did on our journey there. I return to Ferri’s “The Cuckoo Clock.” I try to weigh the advantages and disadvantages between the two countries. On page 56, I read “Condolences to the homeland,” where Ferri, one of my favorite authors, suggests that we Albanians “are our own enemies.”

The applause during landing distracts me. We touched down at Adem Jashari airport. In the terminal, one of the suitcases rolls past us which we don’t initially recognize. Our sisters and sisters-in-law had filled it with gifts for us and our family members.

“There’s nowhere better than Kosovo, if only they were to raise the salaries a little bit,” said my father in the following days. In the meantime, I returned to reading the half-finished book by Ferri. “Condolences to the homeland” ends with “That which I erase I have inside my head, before I believe it, I tell it to someone else”

My father returns to Germany